NA HRANICÍCH IMPÉRIA
EXTRA FINES IMPERII
JAROSLAVU TEJRALOVI K 80. NAROZENINÁM
NA HRANICÍCH IMPÉRIA
EXTRA FINES IMPERII
JAROSLAVU TEJRALOVI K 80. NAROZENINÁM
MASARYKOVA UNIVERZITA
ARCHEOLOGICKÝ ÚSTAV AKADEMIE VĚD ČR, BRNO, v. v. i.
BRNO 2017
Michel Kazanski – On the funerary rite of a Hunnic-time ‘princely’ burial at Conceşti
ON THE FUNERARY RITE OF A HUNNIC-TIME
‘PRINCELY’ BURIAL AT CONCEŞTI
MICHEL KAZANSKI
Abstract: The Hun-time ‘princely’ grave at Conceşti (Rumania)
reichen Luxusgütern ausgestattet, einschließlich des Schmucks im
stands out among élite burials of the epoch of Great Migrations
polychromen Stil, der Wafen, Grabmasken aus Metall, wie z. B. im
owing to the richness and originality of its grave goods and to spe-
syrischen Homs, und der Pferdebestattungen, wie in Iberien und Nu-
ciic traits of funerary rites unusual of European barbaricum. Such
bien. Deswegen können wir mit Recht annehmen, dass sich entlang
details of the burial rite as the presence of ceremonial arms, a ‘sta-
der östlichen Grenze des Römischen Reichs eine Kette von Vasallen-
tus-marking’ gold torque, elements of horse harness, ornaments in
staaten herausformte, deren Aristokratie sich vermutlich unter dem
the polychrome style, and an accompanying horse burial are typical
Einluss Roms zahlreiche gemeinsame Züge angeeignet hat. Der
both of the Barbaricum and the barbarized military nobility of the
Bestattungsritus des Grabs von Conceşti aus der spätrömischen Zeit
Late Empire and its satellites: on the Bosporus, in Syria, in Nubia or
und der Völkerwanderungszeit auf der einen Seite und der aristokra-
in Lasica and in Iberia. There burials were also accompanied with nu-
tischen Gräber in den Satellitenkönigreichen des Römischen Reichs
merous luxury items including ornaments in the polychrome style,
auf der anderen Seite spiegelt den internationalen Charakter der
arms, metal funeral masks, as in Syrian Homs, and horse burials, as
Prestigekultur jener Zeit ab. Besonders interessant sind die Elemen-
in Iberia and Nubia. Therefore it is reasonably safe to suggest that
te wie Grabkonstruktion mit Steinplatte oder Anwesenheit eines mit
a chain of vassal states whose aristocratic culture had acquired,
Blättchen verzierten Grabdiadems aus Metall in der Grabausstat-
probably under Roman inluence, a number of common traits was
tung. Sie sind untypisch für die Barbaren, aber weitverbreitet auf
forming along the eastern frontier of the Roman Empire. The funer-
dem Gebiet des Reichs und seiner Satelliten. Sie liefern einen Beleg
ary rite of the Conceşti burial of the Late Roman period and the time
für die Nachahmung der repräsentativen Bestattungssitten der Herr-
of Great Migrations, on the one hand, and of aristocratic graves of
scherelite der römischen Foederati und vermutlich charakterisieren
satellite kingdoms of the Roman Empire, on the other, which relects
sie auch die Gräber der Häuptlinge, die zu dieser Elite gehört haben.
the international character of the prestigious culture of that time.
Schlüsselwörter: Hunnenzeit – Fürstengrab
Such traits as the construction of a slab vault or the presence of
a metal funerary diadem decorated with leaves among grave goods
are of special interest. They are uncharacteristic of the barbarians
O POHŘEBNÍM RITU „KNÍŽECÍHO“ HROBU Z HUNSKÉHO OBDO-
yet widespread in the territory of the Empire and its satellites. It is
BÍ V CONCEŞTI
indicative of the imitation of prestigious funerary rites typical of the
Abstrakt: „Knížecí“ hrob z hunského období v Conceşti (Rumunsko)
ruling élite of Roman foederati and, probably, of the buried chief’s
vyniká mezi hroby elity z období stěhovaní národů díky bohatství
a výjimečnosti svých hrobových příloh a také díky speciickým rysům
belonging to this élite.
pohřebního ritu, které jsou v rámci evropského barbarika neobvyklé.
Prvky pohřebního ritu, jakými jsou přítomnost obřadní zbroje, zla-
Key words: Hunnic-time – princely grave.
tého nákrčníku jako symbolu statusu, součástí koňského postroje,
ÜBER DEN BESTATTUNGSRITUS DES HUNNENZEITLICHEN
šperků v polychromním stylu a také doprovodného pohřbu koně, jsou
„FÜRSTENGRABS“ VON CONCEŞTI
typické jak pro území barbarika, tak pro barbarizovanou pozdně řím-
Abstrakt: Das hunnenzeitliche „Fürstengrab“ von Conceşti (Rumä-
skou vojenskou nobilitu na území říše i jejích satelitů: v Bosporu, Sý-
nien) ragt aus den völkerwanderungszeitlichen Elitebestattungen
rii, Núbii, Lazice a Ibérii. Tamější pohřby byly rovněž vybaveny mnoha
dank dem Reichtum und der Originalität seiner Grabbeigaben sowie
luxusními předměty včetně šperků v polychromním stylu, zbraní či
dank speziischer Züge der Bestattungssitten heraus, die im europä-
kovových pohřebních masek, např. v syrském Homsu, a také dopro-
ischen Barbaricum ungewöhnlich sind. Elemente des Bestattungsri-
vodnými pohřby koní, např. v Ibérii a Núbii. Můžeme tedy zcela opod-
tus, wie die Anwesenheit von zeremoniellen Wafen, dem goldenen
statněně předpokládat, že podél východní hranice Římské říše se
Halsring als einem Abzeichen des hohen Sozialstatus, Pferdege-
zformovala síť vazalských států, jejichž aristokracie si pravděpodob-
schirrteilen, Schmuck im polychromen Stil und einer begleitenden
ně pod vlivem Říma osvojila mnohé společné rysy. Pohřební ritus hro-
Pferdebestattung sind typisch sowohl für das Barbaricum als auch
bu v Conceşti z pozdní doby římské a doby stěhování národů i ritus
für die barbarisierte spätrömische Militäraristokratie auf dem Ge-
hrobů aristokracie v satelitních královstvích Římské říše odráží in-
biet des Reichs und seiner Satelliten: Bosporus, Syrien, Nubien, Lasi-
ternacionální charakter prestižní kultury té doby. Za pozornost stojí
ca oder Iberien. Die dortigen Bestattungen waren ebenfalls mit zahl-
zejména prvky jako konstrukce hrobky s kamennou deskou nebo pří-
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400/410). Other items cannot be securely dated to a suiciently short timespan because either of their fragmentary
state of preservation (saddle ittings and leaves of the funerary crown) or of their rarity (silver ware and the birdshaped plaque1 and fragments of the folding stool.)
According to Maculevič the topography and construction
of the Conceşti burial is reminiscent of those of barbarian
chiefs (Maculevič 1934, 58) such as the tomb of Alaric, leader of the Visigoths (Jordanes, Getica, 158). He held that
it was an international rite pertaining to the high social
status of the interred widespread in the barbarian milieu
(Maculevič 1934, 92, 93).
Without questioning Maculevič’s conclusions let us still try
to ind certain parallels to the funerary rite of the Conceşti
burial in order to elucidate its cultural context. Such details
of the burial rite as the presence of ceremonial arms, a ‘status-marking’ gold torque, elements of horse harness, ornaments in the polychrome style, and an accompanying horse
burial are typical both of the Barbaricum and the barbarized
military nobility of the Late Empire and its satellites. They
are so widespread geographically that the search for their
analogies is simply preposterous and they cannot be used
for the elucidation of the cultural context of the Conceşti
burial. Likewise, the location of grave goods at a certain
distance from the corpse is known both among barbarians
and satellites of the Empire, e. g. on the Bosporus, in Syria
or in Nubia. Aristocratic tombs in ‘client’ kingdoms on the
eastern and southern periphery of the Empire, i.e. in Lasica, Iberia, Syria and Nubia, in spite of their geographical
remoteness, a certain chronological gap and a totally different ethnocultural milieu, are reminiscent of noble burials of North Pontic centres under Roman aegis. There burials in stone tombs were also accompanied with numerous
luxury items including ornaments in the polychrome style,
arms, metal funeral masks, as in Syrian Homs (Seyrig 1952,
pl. 26), and horse burials, as in Iberia (at Zguderi: Nemsadze
1977, 110) and Nubia (at Qustul and Ballana: Török 1988,
98, 99, 104, 106, 107, 108, 114, 119, 125, 132, 134, 145, pl.
43, 50, 54, 56, 57, 57). Therefore it is reasonably safe to suggest that a chain of vassal states whose aristocratic culture
had acquired, probably under Roman inluence, a number
tomnost kovového pohřebního diadému zdobeného lístky v hrobové
výbavě. Představují doklady napodobování prestižních pohřebních
zvyklostí typických pro vládnoucí elitu římských foederátů a pravděpodobně jsou i znakem pohřbů náčelníků patřících k této elitě.
Klíčová slova: hunské období – knížecí hrob
A ‘princely’ tomb of the migration period at Conceşti is well
known to specialists and is often referred to in publications
(see, for instance, Alföldi 1932, 77, 78, Taf. 20, 21; Zaseckaja
1994, 174, табл. 19–21; Harhoiu 1998, 172, Taf. 1–20). In this
paper I would like to draw attention to certain traits of the
funerary rite of this burial.
In 1808 in the present-day Rumanian district of Botoşani
on the right bank of the Prut river, near the source of the
Podriga brook, seemingly on its lest bank, ‘in a specially
prepared place (?)’ local dwellers found an arched burial
vault constructed of ashlar masonry and paved with stone
slabs. A rotten wooden coin decorated with gold containing a human skeleton was discovered in the left part of the
vault. The decayed clothes yielded many golden appliqué
ornaments and a headband decorated with stones. Several
vessels, weapons and other artifacts were found deep in
the vault (ig. 1–3). A horse’s carcass lay right of the coin.
Its harness was richly ornamented with gold and inserted
coloured stones (Harhoiu 1998, 172). The surviving grave
goods including an iron helmet (ig. 2:1), gold leaves of
a wreath (ig. 1:5), a gold torque (ig. 1:4), two gold belt tips
(ig. 1:1), a bird-shaped plaque (ig. 1:3), gold and bronze
appliqués and other plaques, those in the polychrome style
among the number (ig. 1:2,9–14,16–18), a bronze trapeziform plaque (ig. 1:15), gold saddle ittings (ig. 1:7,8), silver details of a folding stool (ig. 2:2), and silver ware, i.e.
a fragment of a jar throat, a vase-amphora, a bucket-situla
and a dish (ig. 3) are kept in the Hermitage collection in
St Petersburg (Zaseckaja 1994, 174).
The ‘princely’ burial at Conceşti is practically unanimously
assigned to the Hunnic time. Two items among the grave
goods imply that it belongs to period D1 or early D2 according to the chronology of the European Barbaricum, i.e. can
be dated to the late 4th or early 5th century AD. The irst early artifact is the helmet (ig. 2:1) whose more or less close
analogies are dated either to the mid-3rd (Dura-Europos:
James 1986) or, for the most part, to the 4th century AD (Roman ‘Guards’’ helmets of the epoch of Constantine-Constantius (Skalon 1973, 91-94; Harhoiu 1998, 50; Glad 2008,
42, 43). The second early element is represented by belt
tips (ig. 1:1) typical of the second half of the 4th – early 5th
century as evidenced, inter alia, by the inds at Muslyumovo and Kos-Asar (Malašev 2000, 200, 203–205, Fig. 2). It
enables us to date the Conceşti burial to the initial phase
of the Hunnic epoch, i.e. period D1 (circa AD 360/370 – AD
1 It is sometimes dated to the post-Hunnic time (Harhoiu 1998, 47;
Gavritukhin 2000, 295). R. Harhoiu regards it as a decoration of a sword’s
bouterolle and compares it with inds at Rommersheim (Thiry 1939, Taf.
6.52), Kerch (Thiry 1939, Taf. 6.27), and Taman (Böhner 1948, Abb. 37.4). In
my opinion, besides the above-mentioned ibula from Kerch, bird-shaped
ibulae from South Russia (Thiry 1939, Taf. 6.29), and a ibula from Lavigny
(Thiry 1939, Taf. 6.30) are the closest parallels to the plaque from Conceşti. Unfortunately, these artifacts have no archaeological context. It seems
likely that inds from Kerch, Conceşti and South Russia form a separate
Pontic (?) variety of bird-shaped ornaments with scaled decoration. It supports L.A. Maculevič’s hypothesis of the local Pontic origin of the plaque
in question (Maculevič 1934, 101). The date of this variety of bird-shaped
ornaments can only be established owing to the ind at Conceşti. In general
such ornaments were in vogue amid the barbarians, in particular the Huns
(Alföldi 1932, Taf. 15.42; Werner 1956, Taf. 29.2), as early as in the irst half
of the 5th century AD (Böhme 1974, Taf. 2.16,17; Harhoiu 1998, Taf. 26, 27).
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Michel Kazanski – On the funerary rite of a Hunnic-time ‘princely’ burial at Conceşti
Fig. 1. Grave goods from Conceşti (Harhoiu 1998).
Obr. 1. Hrobová výbava z Conceşti (Harhoiu 1998).
of common traits was forming along the eastern frontier
(limes) of the Roman Empire in the 1st – 4th centuries AD.
ing, however, amid the barbarians of Eastern and Central
Europe in the Late Roman and Hunnic time.
Secondary use of classical vaults by the Huns is recorded
at Marfovka and Belyaus (Zaseckaja 1993, 177, 178) yet
the Huns themselves erected no such structures. Probably
they associated Greek stone vaults with stone grottoes
also used for burials by the Hunnic-time nomads (KyzylAdyr and Kamennaia Mogila: Zaseckaja 1993, Fig. 2; Mihajlov 1994, 109, 110). It is worth noting that Ammianus
Marcellinus underlines the unwillingness of the Huns to
Burials in stone vaults
While examining details of the Conceşti funerary rite its
traits originating in the classical Graeco-Roman tradition,
such as burials in stone-slab vaults, immediately attract
one’s attention. This rite is well known in the Roman Empire including the Greek population of the north Pontic
area and the Balkan-Danubian Roman provinces. It is lack-
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iconography, for instance, in Egypt (Doxiadis 1995, 234,
рl. 9–12, 15, 16, 55, 56, etc.), in Syria (Dentzer-Feydy–Teixidor 1993, nos.° 171, 176, 179, 184, 186, etc.), and in the
territory of Balkan-Danubian provinces in the west Pontic
area in the Roman and early Byzantine time. By way of illustration let us cite the ind at Callatis in a burial of the mid2nd century AD (Goldhelm 1994, 203, № 80.1). Gold leaves
were discovered near the scull of the deceased in a burial
of the 1st – early 2nd century AD in the cemetery of the city
of Tomis yet no metal band was recorded (Goldhelm 1994,
184, № 63.1). Wreaths of natural lowers have also been encountered in Mediterranean cemeteries, e. g., in early medieval burials in Marseille (Boyer 1987, 89, Fig. 86).
As to client kingdoms of Rome such funeral diadems are
known on the Cimmerian Bosporus and in Iberia. Diadems
in the form of a golden foil band with attached leaves are
typical of Panticapeion in the Roman time. The following
inds can be cited: Julius Callisthenes’s burial, Tsarskiy Kurgan, the burial of 1910, Glinishche, the burial with the Gold
Mask of 1837, Ajimushkai, the burial of 1841, and Glinishche-Karantinnnaia Slobodka, the burial of 1910 (Shchukin
et alii 2006, Fig. 7.2, 9, 80, 92, 96) as well as burials in the
territory of Kherkharulidzev’s plant of 1841 (Reinach 1892,
43, pl. 3.1,2) and 1842 (Reinach 1892, 44, pl. 4.1) and on the
Mithridat mountain of 1869 (Stephani 1875, 24, № 16); the
above list is by no means exhaustive. A particular diadem
shape is represented by the ind at Ajimushkai in the burial of 1873 where leaves were attached by narrow bands
to the central medallion depicting an ‘oriental’ personage.
Outside Panticapaion diadems with leaves are recorded for
period С3–D1 (circa AD 330–400), for instance, in burial 4
of the Zamorskoe cemetery (Korpusova 1973, Fig. 3).
For the migration period diadems with leaves are recorded
in the following Bosporan burials: Panticapaion/Bosporus,
Glinishche 1896 (Štern 1897, Fig. 1), vault 145 of 1904 (Zaseckaja 1993, no. 21), vault 154 of 1904 / burial 2 (Zaseckaja
1993, no. 221), vault 165 of 1904 / burial 5 (Zaseckaja 1993,
№ 288), two vaults 24.6 of 1904 г. (Zaseckaja 1993, Nos.
72–75), burial 83 of 1910 (Škorpil 1913, 69), the so-called
Messaxoudi burial of 1918 (ig. 4:2.; Beck et alii 1988, Fig.
2.1), Jurga-Oba, vault 4 of 2002 (ig. 4:1; Ermolin 2012, Fig.
3.1, 2). The ind from Tuzla, vault III of 1951 / chamber 1
(Zeest 1951, лист 38), probably dates to the same period. It
seems likely that the rite of burial with diadems survived in
the post-Hunnic time. It is implied by the ind of a diadem in
burial 3 of 1986 (Zaseckaja 1998, Table 10.3) with digitate
ibulae of the 6th century AD.
Diadems of Graeco-Roman outlook have been recorded in
a number of aristocratic burials in Iberia. Suice it to cite
such inds as burial 45 of 1981 at Mtskheta (Apakidze et alii
1984, Table 64.6) and burial 905 at Samtavro (Apakidzе–
Nikolaishvili 1994, р. 44, no. 38).
Fig. 2. Helmet and folding stool from the Conceşti burial (Harhoiu
1998).
Obr. 2. Přilba a skládací stolek z hrobu v Conceşti (Harhoiu 1998).
stay in structures reminding them of burials: “They never take shelter in any buildings and loathe them as tombs
estranged from everyday human life” (Ammianus Marcellinus, XXXI. 2.4). Nevertheless the use of stone vaults by
the nomads was, judging from the archaeological record,
merely occasional. Among settled barbarians the presence
of stone facing of the burial chamber in ‘princely’ tombs is
inferred only for the ind of 1918-1919 at Bolshoi Kamenets
(Maculevič 1934, 55, 56).
Burials with gold-foil diadems
A diadem made of gold foil and decorated with gold leaves
(ig. 1:5) worn by the deceased is the second unmistakable
element of the classical Graeco-Roman tradition. According to Harhoiu this tradition pertains primarily to the Graeco-Bosporan milieu (Harhoiu 1998, 59) yet in reality it was
much more widespread both in the Roman Empire and in
its client kingdoms.
Wreaths and diadems with leaves, including the funeral
ones, are well known from the archaeological record and
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Michel Kazanski – On the funerary rite of a Hunnic-time ‘princely’ burial at Conceşti
aristocracy of client kingdoms. They are almost completely lacking, however, in the steppe context. Late Sarmatian
nomadic burials with Roman iron tableware are sparse.
Only a ‘princely’ burial at Kishpek in Kabarda-Balkaria dated to c. AD 300 can be cited in this connection (Betrozov
1987, Fig. 4.4). Finds of metal Roman ware in steppe burials
of the Hunnic time are equally scarce. A silver basin with
spotted decoration on the edge was found on the Don, at
Pavlovka-Sulin (Kropotkin 1970, № 733). A metal goblet
bearing a Greek inscription and a fragment of a cup with
At the same time this rite is almost totally lacking amid the
barbarians. The Conceşti ind is, as far as I know, unique in
the European Barbaricum in the migration period. As to
the earlier epoch only the ind in the Sarmatian princely
burial of Kosika on the Lower Volga can be mentioned (Tesori della steppa 2005, Nos. 79–82).
Burials with sets of metal tableware
Sets of banqueting metal tableware of Late Roman origin
(ig. 3) are frequent in burials of European barbarians and
Fig. 3. Tableware from the Conceşti burial (Harhoiu 1998).
Obr. 3. Stolní nádobí z hrobu v Conceşti (Harhoiu 1998).
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Fig. 4. Diadems from burials of Cimmerian Bosporus. 1. Jurga-Oba, vault 4.2002 (Ermolin 2012); 2. Kerch, the Mithridate mountain, the socalled Messaxoudi burial of 1918 (photograph Musée d‘archéologie nationale).
Obr. 4. Diadémy z hrobů v oblasti Kimerského Bosporu. 1. Jurga-Oba, hrobka 4.2002 (Ermolin 2012); 2. Kerč, hora Mithridates, tzv. Messaxoudiho hrob z roku 1918 (foto: Musée d‘archéologie nationale).
a cloisonné incrustation from Szeged-Nagyszéksós (L’Or
des princes barbares 2000, № 19.12,13) or a bronze bowl
from Höckricht / Jędrzychowice (Alföldi 1932, Taf. 19.10;
Anke 1998, Taf. 101.13) can also be cited.2
But then banqueting sets of metal tableware are well
known among sedentary barbarians, irs of all Germans.
They are represented in ‘princely’ burials of the Late Roman time of the Hassleben – Leuna and Osztrópataka /
Ostrovany type (см. напр. Schulz 1953, Taf. 5.1, 6, 7.1, 16,
22–25; Schmidt 1982, Blatt DDR 5. 3 (1).4–6, DDR 6.4 (1).4,5,
DDR 6.4 (2).6–8, DDR 9.4 (1).4,5, DDR 9.4 (3).18, DDR 10.11,
DDR 11.6 (3).38, DDR 11.6 (6).111,113–115,118 ; Prohászka
2006, Taf. 11.6, 13). Sets of iron vessels have been encountered in Germanic ‘princely’ burials of the Hunnic time such
as Bolshoi Kamenets (Maculevič 1934, Tables 1–6, Fig. 4, 6).
Separate iron vessels can also be found as in the Wielbark
cemetery at Praust / Pruszcz Gdański (La Baume 1934, 154,
Taf. 75. g). In the post-Hunnic time Late Roman metal ware
was also put in ‘princely’ burials, e. g. Apahida 1 in Transylvania (Harhoiu 1998, Taf. 60).
Aristocratic burials in client states of the Empire also contain valuable metal ware. This trait is characteristic of funerary rites of Pontic aristocracy as early as in the Late
Roman time; let us recall the well-known Bosporan burial
of 1837 with a Gold Mask (Shchukin et alii 2006, ig. 85–87,
89–91). Silver ware can be found in a number of Bosporan
vaults of the Hunnic time, e. g. Gordikovskiy 1891 (Shchukin
et alii 2006, ig. 97.3, 98); vault 145 of 1904, cache (Zaseckaja 1993, no. 38), and two vaults 24.06.1904 (Zaseckaja 1993,
nos. 182, 184).
Besides Bosporus valuable metal ware was recorded in the
burials of the Iberian nobility, e. g. at Armaziskhevi (Lordkipanidze 1985, 90), Samtavro, in burial 905 (Apakidzе–
Nikolaishvili 1994, Nos. 6–15), Zguderi (Nemsadze 1977,
111, 112), Aragvispiri, in burial 13 (Ramišvili 1977, 117–120).
Silver ware dated to the 1st century AD is also recorded in
‘princely’ tomb 1 in the cemetery of Homs in Syria governed
at that time by a local dynasty of Arabic origin (Seyrig 1952,
246, 247, Fig. 27). A rich set of metal tableware was found,
for instance, in a ‘princely’ burial in the cemetery of Hajar
2 It does not mean, of course, that the nomads of the Late Roman and Hunnic time had no gold and silver ware; it is repeatedly mentioned in Priscus’s
account of Attila’s headquarters (Priscus, fr. 8). However, for some reasons
it was excluded from grave goods.
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Michel Kazanski – On the funerary rite of a Hunnic-time ‘princely’ burial at Conceşti
am-Dhaybiyya dated to the 2nd – early 3rd century AD on the
southern frontiers of the Arab world, in Hadramaut (Breton, Bǎfaquih 1993, 43–50). Finally, metal tableware is well
represented in ‘regal’ cemeteries of post-Meroitic Nubia
pertaining to the Blemmii. The latter were also satellites
of the Empire. Their ‘aristocratic’ culture is known primatily from the inds in the cemeteries of Qustul and Ballana.
They come from aristocratic burials in stone graves accompanied with sacriiced slaves and animals and containing
rich gravegoods including imports of Late Roman and early
Byzantine origin (for numerous examples see: Török 1988).
spectively; for more details see: Kazanski 1995). Another
helmet of a similar design, without decoration but with
earlaps made in the classical tradition, was found in stone
burial 3 in the cemetery of Kalkni in Southern Dagestan (Salihov 1985, 168, 172, 173, Fig. 5). The burial yielded
a round buckle with a long trunk-shaped tapering pin and
a ring with a widened fore-part, which enables one to date
it to period (AD 360/370–400/410) or, with less probability,
to period D2 (AD 380/400–440/450 гг.), since D2 is characterized mainly by round buckles with an evenly widened
ring and a more massive pin tip (e. g., Tejral 1987, Abb. 6.3,
10.2, 8, 12; Tejral 1992, Abb. 2.17, 3.18, 28, 26).4
Helmets have been yielded by the ‘warlords’s’ burials of
the Late Roman – early migration period in the Volga-Ural
area. They were found, for instance, in barrows V and VII/1a
in the cemetery of Turaevo on the middle reaches of the
Kama river (Gening 1995, 282, 286, 313, Abb. 25.11, 28.1).5
The pertinent burials contained buckles with a relatively
short pin typical of periods С3 and early D1 and at the same
time belt tips more typical of periods D1 and D2 (cf. Kazanski–Akhmedov 2007, 255–258). The Turaevo burials can
be chronologically linked with such sites as Muslyumovo,
Bryukhanovskiy, and Utamysh dating on the whole to the
second half of the 4th century AD (Kazanski 1995, 190–193;
Малашев 2000, 204).
Three helmets of either the Late Roman or early migration
time were found in burials 6, 1685 and 1784 of the cemetery of Tarasovo on the reaches of the Kama river (Goldina
2003, Tables 4.17, 620 and 668). Judging from the characteristic buckles whose ring has a thickened forepart and
the tip is short and bent, with a rectangular platform near
the base found in all three burials and from a nearly arrow-shaped tip in burial 1784 these burials of the Tarasovo
cemetery are consistent with period С3 of barbarian European chronology (AD 300/320–350/370) and can be dated
either to the Late Roman time or to the initial phase of the
migration period.
Two helmets of the Late Roman time come from the Suvorovo cemetry on the Vyatka river. They were found in burials 27 and 306 of a marked warlike character; one of them
(27) also yielded remnants of a chain mail (Gening 1963, 70,
122–124, Fig. 37).
Burials with helmets
Burials with helmets amid gravegoods (ig. 2.1) are rare in
Eastern and Central Europe in the Late Roman and Hunnic
time. No less exotic are they for the territory of the Roman Empire and its client states. One can cite the already
mentioned aristocratic burial 1 in the necropolis of Homs;
true, it is dated to the earlier period, the 1st century AD.
According to the inders the helmet was put near the head
of the deceased (Seyrig 1952, 208, 210–227, pl. 21–25). The
publication of the materials from Homs also cites the prewar inds in the aristocratic Thracian burial of Bizyé where
a helmet was also near the head of the deceased (Seyrig
1952, 217). Yet another inhumation with an iron Roman helmet and red-lacquered pottery (АRS 59B and ARS 61A) dating, judging from the combination of forms in this closed
complex, to ca. AD 350–420 was found in the cemetery of
el-Haditha on the eastern shore of the Dead Sea. According to the Notitia Dignitatum the equites Mauri Illyriciani,
equites indigenae sagittarii and, inally, legio IV Martia were
quartered in this area in the late 4th – early 5th century AD.
It seems likely that it was the burial of a soldier or a veteran
of one of these bodies. The calotte of the helmet is made
of two parts joined by a metal band. The helmet belons to
the so-called Ridge Type represented by the inds at Intercisa, Kaiseraugst and Worms along the Roman limes (Parker
1994). The el-Haditha ind seems to be the closest chronologically to that of Conceşti in the territory of the Empire.
In the European Barbaricum of the Late Roman and migration time inds of helmets in burials are also recorded in
the North Caucasus and in the Volga-Ural region.3
I know of two such burials in the North Caucasus. A ‘princely’ burial in a wooden chamber beneath a barrow in the
cemetery of Kishpek in Kabarda-Balkaria is older. The burial contained rich grave goods including a helmet made
of narrow vertical plates joined together by the inial and
decorated with cornelian (Betyrozov 1987, Fig. 3.1). Judging from grave goods the burial can be dated to ca. AD 300,
i.e. the late С2 or early С3 period of the European Barbaricum (AD 250/260–300/320 and AD 300/320–350/370 re-
4 Both North Caucasian helmets, like those from the Volga-Ural cemeteries of Tarasovo, Tyum-Tyum and Suvoro (burial 27) discussed below, belong
to a single group of helmets, the so-called Spangenhelme (cf. Pfafenbichler 2007), long-lived and spread from the Mediterranean to Central
Asia, if not beyond. They were worn by Roman legionaries in the late 3rd
century AD as their depictions on the arc of Galerius in Thessalonike erected in AD 298 imply. They have also been found on the Cimmerian Bosporus, in Kerch in the post-Hunnic context and in the fortress of Ilyichevka in
Taman. Finally, such helmets were recorded among the Langobardi in Italy
in the late 6th – early 7th century AD and among the Alamanni in Southern
Germany in the 7th century AD (Kazanski 1993, 59, 60, pl. 40).
5 The helmet from burial VII/1a had a solid-forged iron calotte while that
from burial V is heavily damaged and cannot be reconstructed.
3 Helmets have been recorded in Eastern European steppe burials dating
to the earlier period, i.e. to the 1st – 3rd centuries AD. They are not dealt
with here.
6 The helmet from the latter burial had a hemispheric calotte made of
a solid iron plate.
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ry8 is usually related to a high social status implied by rich
grave goods and prestigious artifacts.9
Burials with a stool
Burials containing a stool (ig. 2:2) are also extremely rare
in the Barbaricum and in the territory of the Empire. The
presence of a metal folding stool in barbarian burials is
usually related to the high social status of the deceased.
Such stools are well known in the Roman Empire (Mráv
2013, Abb. 21, Appendix 1), e. g., from inds in Pompeii, Ostia and Herculaneum (Wilson 1958, 45, 46; Mráv 2013, Abb.
2.1). An iron stool from a ‘princely’ burial of 1942 at Ureki in Lazica containing a coin of AD 275–276 can be safely
dated to the Late Roman time (at irst the stool was taken for remnants of a funerary bed: Hoštarija 1955, 56, 57;
Lekvinadze 1975, 195–196). The majority of burials with
folding stools spread from the British Islands to Iran and
Nubia belong, however, to the post-Hunnic period (cf. Wilson 1958; Kiss 1996, 275, 276; Kazanski 2002, 48, 49). Byzantine folding stools are known from the archaeological
record (Waldbaum 1983, 79, pl. 26.423) and iconographic
data (ig. 6; Grabar 1966, ig. 223) as well as from written
sources (Maculevič 1934, 90).
Burials with saddles
Saddles in privileged burials (fragments of saddle-bow
plaques; ig. 1:7, 8) appear among the barbarians as early
as in the Late Roman period and this custom survives in the
Hunnic and post-Hunnic time. A ind of remnants of a damaged wooden saddle in the ‘princely’ burial at Kishpek in
Kabarda-Balkaria of the early 4th century AD is one of the
earliest (Betrozov 1987, 15). Burials with rigid saddles are
well known among the nomads in the Hunnic time (Zaseckaja 1994, 45–50). In a number of cases they are present
in the burials of sedentary aristocracy of the Hunnic time.
Thus, a saddle was found in burial 5 in the collective ‘family’ vault 165 of 1904 in the cemetery of the Gospitalnaia
Street in Kerch. It was wooden with silver decorations and
nails with gilt heads (Škorpil 1907, 49). Another Kerch vault,
6 of 1905, yielded mixed grave goods (Škorpil 1909, 3, 4)
characteristic of the Hunnic (cf., for instance, Zaseckaja
1993, Table 3.37) and post-Hunnic (cf., for instance, Škorpil 1909, Fig. 1) time and remnants of a saddle (Zaseckaja
1993, Appendix 3, no. 17).
Burials with saddles in the Late Roman west are related to the barbarized military milieu. A warlord burial at
Mundolsheim in Alsace is one of them (ig. 7). It contained
a sword and an axe that had not survived, belt and/or shoe
Fig. 5. Warrior’s burial at Sarry (Chew 1993).
Obr. 5. Bojovnický hrob ze Sarry (Chew 1993)
Finally, three helmets of the Late Roman time (the late
3rd – early 4th century AD) were discovered in burials 367,
94 and 123 of the cemetery of Tyum-Tyum in the Vyatka
river basin (Ošibkina 2010, 45). Among these burial 94 is
undoubtly privileged judging from grave goods (including,
for instance, such a rare ind as a metal cauldron) and funerary rite (the only twin burial in the cemetery). Burials
36 and 123 contain many arms and seem likely to be those
of warriors.
It is worth noting that in both cases we have to do with peripheral regions with regard to the steppes. As to the nomads, there were no helmets in burials in either the Late
Sarmatian or Hunnic time. The presence of a helmet in
a burial both in the Barbaricum and in the Roman territo-
8 There are, of course, exceptions to this rule such as the above-mentioned burial at el-Khaditha accompanied by fairly ordinary grave goods.
9 The custom of putting helmets in burials was observed in the post-Hunnic time as well, for instance, in Kerch/Bosporus (Отчет Императорской
Археологической Коммиссии за 1891 г. Санкт-Петербург, 1893, 59, 60;
Post 1954, Abb. 6 и 23), and also among the Franks, Alamanni, Gepidi and
Langobardi and in Scandinavia.
7 Judging from the design of buckles (Ošibkina 2010, Tables 8.5,6, 10.2)
this burial can be dated to a somewhat earlier period.
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Michel Kazanski – On the funerary rite of a Hunnic-time ‘princely’ burial at Conceşti
Catacomb 10 of the Lermontovskaia Skala-2 cemetery
in the Pyatigorsk area is also close chronologically to the
Hunnic time. It is a collective Alan catacomb burial. A woman and a young man with grave goods of the Hunnic period
and a man with grave goods of the post-Hunnic epoch were
interred there. A saddle and other items of horse harness
found in the burial chamber belong to a man’s burial, either
Hunnic or post-Hunnic (Runič 1976; Zaseckaja et alii 2007,
124–136).
Remnants of a wooden saddle were encountered in burial 3 of the Nubian cemetery of Ballana (Török 1988, 134–
144, pl. 94.286). It is a chamber aristocratic burial of an
adult woman accompanied by horse sacriices. It is dating
to ca. AD 450/460.
Burials with gold sewn on appliqués
The Conceşti burial yielded fragments of gold sticks being,
according to Maculevič, remnants of gold ornaments (Maculevič 1934, 56). Zigzag-shaped appliqué gold sticks were
indeed widespread in rich graves of sedentary barbarians
and satellites of the Empire from Normandy to the Don
and Eastern Crimea in the Hunnic time (Mastykova–Kazanski 2006, 291). Almost all the inds are dating to period
D2, i.e. ca. AD 380/400–440/450. They mostly belong to female garments as implied by the inds at Mukhino, Airan,
Regöly, and Luchistoe. At the same time such appliqués
are sometimes encountered in male burials, e. g. at Lébény.
There a zigzag-shaped appliqué was found in a burial with
a sword and sword-belt ittings in the sand illing of the
grave pit (Pusztai 1966. 3.5. ábra). It should be pointed out,
however, that there is no direct evidence of the presence
of such appliqués in the Conceşti burial. It is but a quite
plausible assumption of Maculevič.
Thus, the funerary rite of the Conceşti burial is reminiscent
both of ‘princely’ barbarian graves of the Late Roman time
and aristocratic burials of client states of the Roman Empire, which relects the international character of prestigious culture of that epoch. Such traits as the construction
of a slab vault or the presence of a metal funerary diadem
decorated with leaves among grave goods are of special
interest. They are uncharacteristic of the barbarians yet
widespread in the territory of the Empire and its satellites.
It is indicative of the imitation of prestigious funerary rites
typical of the ruling élite of Roman foederati and, probably,
of the buried chief’s belonging to this élite.
Fig. 6. Depiction of a folding stool from a manuscript of the early 6th
century AD (Grabar 1966).
Obr. 6. Zobrazení skládacího stolku v rukopise z počátku 6. století
n. l. (Grabar 1966).
Fig. 7. Mundolsheim, a tentative reconstruction of the saddle with
gold saddle-bow plaques (Marin 1998, ig. on p. 53).
Obr. 7. Mundolsheim, pokus o rekonstrukci sedla zdobeného zlatými
destičkami (Marin 1998, obr. na s. 53).
accessories, and horse harness pieces. The burial can be
dated to period D2 or D2/3. Grave goods are indicative
of North Pontic origin of the deceased probably connected with the sedentary milieu (Kazanski–Akhmedov 2007).
A burial at Sarry (present-day département Marne) in
Northern Gallia of the late 4th century AD containing, inter alia, a sword, a chain mail and metal parts of a saddle is
also worth noting (Chew 1993).
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cie na území klientských království. Téměř úplně však chybí
v stepním prostředí období stěhování národů.
Pohřby s přilbami jako součástmi hrobové výbavy jsou ve
východní a střední Evropě v pozdní době římské a hunském
období vzácné. Za zmínku stojí, že v obou případech se
jedná o periferní oblasti vzhledem ke stepím. V prostředí
nomádů, ať už v pozdně sarmatském či hunském období,
se pohřby s přilbami nevyskytují vůbec. Přítomnost přilby v hrobové výbavě jak v barbariku, tak na území Římské
říše, je obvykle spojená s vyšším společenským statusem,
který se odráží v bohatství hrobových příloh a přítomnosti
prestižních artefaktů. Pohřby obsahující stolek jsou rovněž
velmi vzácné jak v barbariku, tak na území říše. Přítomnost
kovového skládacího stolku v hrobech barbarů obvykle
souvisí s vyšším sociálním statusem pohřbených osob. Sedla se v hrobech privilegovaných jedinců objevují v barbarském prostředí už v pozdní době římské a tento zvyk poté
přetrvává i v hunském a pohunském období. Pohřby se sedly z pozdní doby římské na západě souvisejí s barbarizovaným vojenským prostředím. Z hrobu v Conceşti pocházejí
fragmenty zlatých tyčinek, které původně tvořily součást
zlatých šperků. Zlaté tyčinkovité nášivky ve tvaru klikatky
byly v hunském období skutečně rozšířené v bohatých hrobech usedlých barbarů a na satelitních územích říše od Normandie až po Don a východní Krym.
Pohřební ritus hrobu z Conceşti připomíná jak „knížecí“
hroby barbarů z pozdní doby římské, tak aristokratické
pohřby na území klientských států Římské říše. Tato skutečnost odráží internacionální charakter prestižní kultury
té doby. Za pozornost stojí zejména prvky jako konstrukce
hrobky s kamennou deskou nebo přítomnost kovového pohřebního diadému zdobeného lístky v hrobové výbavě. Ty
nejsou typické pro barbary, ale jsou běžně rozšířeny na území říše a jejích satelitů. Představují doklady napodobování
prestižních pohřebních zvyklostí typických pro vládnoucí
elitu římských foederátů a pravděpodobně jsou i znakem
pohřbů náčelníků patřících k této elitě.
– 1994: Культура кочевников южнорусских степей
в гуннскую эпоху (конец IV – V вв.). Санкт-Петербург.
– 1998: Датировка и происхождение пальчатых фибул
Боспорского некрополя раннесредневекового периода. Материалы по Археологии, Истори и Этнографии Таврии 6, 394–478.
ЗАСЕЦКАЯ, И. П.–КАЗАНСКИЙ, М. М.–АХМЕДОВ, И. Р.–
МИНАСЯН, Р. С., 2007: Морской Чулек. Погребения
знати из Приазовья и их место в истории племен
Северного Причерноморья в постгуннскую эпоху.
Санкт-Петербург.
ЗЕЕСТ, И. Б., 1951: Синдская экспедиция 1951 года.
Дневник. Архив Института Археологии Российской
Академии Наук, Р1-582а.
Resume
O POHŘEBNÍM RITU „KNÍŽECÍHO“ HROBU Z HUNSKÉHO OBDOBÍ V CONCEŞTI
„Knížecí“ hrob z hunského období v Conceşti (Rumunsko)
vyniká mezi hroby elity z období stěhování národů díky
bohatství a výjimečnosti svých hrobových příloh a také
díky speciickým rysům pohřebního ritu, které jsou v rámci
evropského barbarika neobvyklé. Prvky pohřebního ritu,
jakými jsou přítomnost obřadní zbroje, zlatého nákrčníku
jako symbolu statusu, součástí koňského postroje, šperků
v polychromním stylu a také doprovodného pohřbu koně,
jsou typické jak pro území barbarika, tak pro barbarizovanou pozdně římskou vojenskou nobilitu na území říše
i jejích satelitů (např. Bospor, Sýrie, Núbie, Lazica, Ibérie).
Tamější pohřby byly rovněž vybaveny mnoha luxusními
předměty včetně šperků v polychromním stylu, zbraní či
kovových pohřebních masek. Jsou rozšířeny na tak velkém
území, že hledání jakýchkoli analogií postrádá smysl a nemůžou být tedy využity k objasnění kulturního kontextu
hrobu z Conceşti.
Při zkoumání detailů pohřebního ritu na lokalitě Conceşti si
nepochybně zaslouží pozornost prvky vycházející z klasických řecko-římských tradic, jakými jsou například pohřby
v hrobkách s kamennou deskou. Tento zvyk je dobře známý
z Římské říše včetně řeckého obyvatelstva severního Přičernomoří a balkánsko-podunajských provincií. Chybí však
v barbarském prostředí východní a střední Evropy v pozdně
římském a hunském období. Druhým nezaměnitelným prvkem klasické řecko-římské tradice, který byl rozšířený jak
na území říše, tak v jejích klientských královstvích, je diadém z tenkého zlatého plechu zdobený zlatými lístky, který
měl zesnulý na hlavě. Tento zvyk se téměř vůbec nevyskytuje v barbarském prostředí. Soupravy kovového stolního
nádobí pozdně římského původu jsou běžnými součástmi
pohřbů v barbarském prostředí v rámci Evropy i aristokra-
Dr. Michel Kazanski
Centre d´Histoire et de Civilisation de Byzance
Rue du Cardinal Lemoine 52, F–75005 Paris
e-mail: michel.kazanski53@gmail.com
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Redakce: Ústav archeologie a muzeologie FF MU
Překlady: Jana Klíčová
Sazba a graická úprava: Šárka Trávníčková
Vydaly Masarykova univerzita, Žerotínovo nám. 617/9, 601 77 Brno a
Archeologický ústav AV ČR, Brno, v. v. i., Čechyňská 363/19, 602 00 Brno
Vydání první, 2017
Náklad 500 výtisků
Tisk: Metoda spol. s. r. o., Hluboká 14, 639 00 Brno
ISBN 978-80-210-8579-4 (Masarykova univerzita)
ISBN 978-80-7524-008-8 (Archeologický ústav AV ČR, Brno, v. v. i.)