Rubel (Hg.) Die Barbaren Roms Alexander Rubel (Hg.) Die Barbaren Roms Inklusion, Exklusion und Identität im Römischen Reich und im Barbaricum (1.-3. Jahrhundert n. Chr.)  Hartung-Gorre Verlag 2016 SAGA Studien zu Archäologie und Geschichte des Altertums, Band II Herausgegeben von Alexander Rubel Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Copyright © 2016 by the Authors Alle Rechte vorbehalten Erste Auflage 2016 HARTUNG-GORRE VERLAG KONSTANZ http://www.hartung-gorre.de ISSN: 2196-7393 ISBN: 978-3-86628-577-4 Inhalt Vorwort ...................................................................................................................................... 7 Alexander RUBEL Überlegungen zum Barbarenbegriff der Römer: Geten, Daker und Thraker in den Augen der Römer ............................................................. 11 Kai BRODERSEN Barbaren bei Plinius d. Ä. und seinem „Affen“ Solinus: Vom kulturbezogenen zum geographischen Barbarenbegriff.................................................. 43 Alexandru POPA Überlegungen zur Erkennung kultureller und ethnischer Identitäten in Dakien und angrenzenden Gebieten................................................................................ 55 Lucreţiu MIHAILESCU-BÎRLIBA Observations on Local Recruiting in Lower Moesia: The Case of Troesmis................................................................................................ 71 Ligia RUSCU Die Bürgerrechtspolitik der flavischen Kaiser in den Griechenstädten der Provinzen Niedermoesien und Thrakien......................................................................... 79 Eduard NEMETH Dies- und jenseits der Südwestgrenze des römischen Dakien. Neuere Forschungsergebnisse ............................................................................................ 97 Dilyana BOTEVA Thracian Tradition and Greco-Roman Aesthetics on the Votive Plaques of the Thracian Rider.......................................................................................................... 117 Dan RUSCU Der Bischof Ulfila zwischen nicänischer „Orthodoxie“ und Homöertum ............................... 131 Sergiu MATVEEV, Artemis BALAN Der Obere Trajanswall und Archäologische Kulturdenkmäler aus den ersten Jahrhunderten n. Chr. im Pruth-Dnjestr Raum. Archäologisch-räumliche Beziehungen …............................................................................141 Erik HRNČIARIK, Klára KUZMOVÁ Evidence of trade and exchange during the Roman Period in Barbaricum (territory of Slovakia) ....................................................................................................... 149 Maurizio BUORA Von der Adria (Aquileia) bis zur mittleren Donau: Das Fibelspektrum römischer Zeit vom 1. Jh. v. Chr. bis zum 6. Jh. n. Chr. .............................................................................. 163 Sergiu MUSTEAȚĂ Antler Manufacturing in the Central and Eastern Europe During Late Antiquity ................... 199 György NÉMETH, András SZABÓ A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth. A Silver Magical Lamella from the Northern Necropolis of Sopianae (Pécs, Hungary). Preliminary Report............................ 239 A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth. A Silver Magical Lamella from the Northern Necropolis of Sopianae (Pécs, Hungary) Preliminary Report GYÖRGY NÉMETH, ANDRÁS SZABÓ Introduction Several inscribed magical lamellae are known from the Roman imperial period, but it is a rare and fortunate occasion when such items are found in situ, from a closed (and desirably well-documented) archaeological context. In 2002 a new inscribed silver magical lamella was discovered in a grave in Roman Pannonia during archaeological excavations, which offered us the unique opportunity to study the details of the magical practice associated with the artefact by analyzing the archaeological context and the inscription of the silver sheet, providing new data on some previously less known aspects of ancient Roman magical traditions. The archaeological context1 The grave containing the magical tablet was discovered during a rescue excavation conducted in the courtyard of the Nagy Lajos Gimnázium in 2002 by the Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum.2 The excavated cemetery section is part of the so-called northern necropolis3 of Sopianae,4 (Fig. 1) whose earliest core (with burials dated to the 2nd to 3rd c. AD) is situated in the modern city centre, not far from our site. During the rescue excavations, 133 burials were unearthed, most of them dated to the 4th c. AD5 − grave No. 26. was the one yielding the silver lamella. The grave6 (Fig. 2) was a simple burial pit, which was covered with tegulae after the deceased was placed inside, and one tegula was placed vertically behind the head before covering the pit. Some of the covering tegulae were broken – the most damaged 1 We would like to thank Olivér Gábor (Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum) for helping our endeavours during our research in many ways, first of all our efforts to reconstruct the archaeological context of the find. 2 Gábor 2003, 59–72. 3 Katona Győr 2013, 153–194, 349–351. 4 For Sopianae in general, see Fülep 1984, 12–31, 268–284; Visy 2013, 98–146, 345–348. 5 Katona Győr 2013, 164–165. 6 For allowing us to publish the grave and its finds, we are grateful to Zsuzsa Katona Győr, who will be publishing the comprehensive study of the northern necropolis of Sopianae in the future. For a preliminary report see Katona Győr 2013. Die Barbaren Roms 240 was the one right above the skull of the skeleton,7 (Fig. 2) which was otherwise apparently undisturbed. The burial contained the skeletal remains of a young woman along with some grave-goods. The grave-goods8 included typical late 3rd and early 4th century finds – a grey coarse ware ceramic jug, a heavily fragmented glass cup,9 several blue glass beads around the neck, a corroded, simple iron bracelet on the left arm and two bone hairpins with cone-shaped heads.10 One of the hairpins (Fig. 4) was oddly discovered in the mouth of the skull.11 (Fig. 3) The rolled-up silver sheet (Fig. 5) was discovered under the skull (though only after picking up the remains), strongly implying that it was placed inside the mouth of the deceased. Description and inscription of the lamella The silver sheet remained in the Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum of Pécs (Inv. No. R.2004.2.123.), where it was recognized as a magical artefact in April 2014. It was rolled open and restored in the summer of the same year.12 This procedure quickly revealed that the object is preserved in a rather poor condition – it was broken into five smaller, vertical sheets along the creases during the unfolding. Nevertheless, the individual sheets could be cleaned and restored (Fig. 6), thus yielding a clearly recognizable, albeit hardly decipherable incised text (Fig. 7). The thickness of the silver leaf does not exceed 0.1 cm, its total height is cca. 4.3 cm and its width is 4 cm. The inscription was incised with a pointed object in seven lines and afterwards the sheet was folded by rolling it four times from the top. Only the first and last lines of the Greek text inscribed into the lamella provide us with a more or less meaningful reading. 1. τίθε συνῃκισμέν[ην] 2. +++ καὶ κιcι 3. εcι πνε 4. MVO 5. [---] θι ι 6. [---] oo 7. Ἀκελλίνα ἐμί 7 This fact is also stated in the excavation journal: “The covering tegulae are crashed in at the skull.” („A fedő téglák a koponyánál beszakadtak.”) 8 Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum, Inv. Nr. R.2004.2.115–123. 9 According to the photographic documentation, it was most probably a hemispherical-shaped cup, cf. Isings 1957, 113, 133–135; Barkóczi 1988, 56–59. 10 T. Bíró 1994, 33; 127. cf. Nr. 307–309; T. Bíró et al. 2012, Nr. 115 & 117. 11 See below. 12 Hereby we would like to extend our gratitude towards Magdolna Gardánfalviné Kovács (Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum) for carrying out the restoration of the artefact. A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth 241 1. The initial word τίθε may be an imperative for τίθημι. (The normative form would be τίθει.) The fourth letter in συνῃκισμέν[ην] is highly uncertain, thus συνoικισμέν[ην] is a possible alternative reading that could refer to a woman (though the grammatical gender is dubious) who is being forced to live together with someone (with demons?). The word ending is missing, therefore the target of the spell may even be a man. In this case the female corpse is only a tool for the magical procedure. However, this is contradicted by the last line, which is clearly legible. The reading συνῃκισμέν[ην] is more probable. This form is derived from αἰκίζομαι ('to be tormented'), and its potential meaning is “the one tortured together”, or in context: “make her suffer together”. 2. A triangle (without the lower edge) extends from the fourth to the middle of the second line. Similar magical drawings are attested in numerous other texts.13 The conjunction καὶ ('and') is recognizable after the drawing, suggesting that the faded traces of letters at the beginning of the second line are actually continuing the text of line 1. After καὶ, the extant form κιcι can hardly stand word initially, but we can assume that it is a fragment of ἀκίς ('pointed object, needle'), referring perhaps to the now broken hairpin that was found in the mouth of the deceased, and that could also be used (when still unbroken) to inscribe the text onto the silver lamella. The closest known parallel is a curse tablet from Aquincum directly mentioning the stylus (graphium): “Quomodo hoc ego averso graphio scribo.”14 3. εcι may be a remnant or a substandard form of the substantive verb, but the reading is uncertain. At the end of the line, πνε is more legible, and it can stand for the initial letters of πνεῦμα ('breath, spirit'). This word is not uncommon in magical texts.15 4. The three large letters in the middle of the line, between the edges of the triangle, may stand for charaktêres. 5–6. These lines are badly damaged and yield no intelligible text or words. 7. This line is fully legible and meaningful. A woman, speaking in first person, identifies herself: “I am Akellina”. This form of the name has not been attested, but the Acts of the Apostles transliterates the name Aquilas as Ἀκύλας.16 A child saint suffering martyrdom under the reign of Diocletian is known as Saint Aquilina (in Greek: Ἁγία Ἀκυλίνα).17 On the basis of this evidence, we can assume that the Latin form of the self-identifying woman's name could be Aquilina.18 If this Aquilina is identical with the person buried in the grave, then the magician wanted to charge her with some commission for the afterlife, where she perhaps needed to identify herself among the spirits of the dead or demons (pneumata). 13 Németh 2013, 182; 226; 227. Barta–Lassányi 2015, 71–74. 15 Audollent 1904, Nr. 78, 5; Dürrbach–Roussel 1935 Nr. 2532: “ἐπικαλοῦμαι καὶ ἀξιῶ τὸν θεὸν τὸν ὕψιστον τὸν κύριον τῶν πνευμάτων καὶ πάσης σαρκός...” 16 Acts 18, 18. We express our gratefulness to Roy Kotansky, who called our attention to the locus. 17 Lives 1991, 206–207. 18 Note that the name is also attested on a funerary inscription (CIL III, 3309 = RIU 992) from Sopianae, dated to the 2nd c. AD. 14 242 Die Barbaren Roms A similar self-identifying formula is found in some Hellenistic Totenpässe:19 “I am the child of Earth and of the starry Sky.”20 Interpretation of the find In the Roman imperial period, similar rolled-up silver or gold sheets inscribed with magical formulas were almost exclusively used as protective charms intended to ward off bad luck or demonic afflictions.21 In most cases, they were worn around the neck, enclosed in a capsule – this practice is also attested by several in situ archaeological finds from sepulchral contexts.22 The Sopianae lamella, however, was put inside the mouth of the deceased, therefore it is evident that it was not a protective amulet worn by the deceased during her life, making its way to the grave as a personal belonging buried with its owner. The silver leaf was rather intended to fulfill some purpose after the burial, which also leads us to the hypothesis that it could have been served as a so-called Totenpass,23 which would be also corroborated by the last line of the inscription. This assumption, however, can be definitely ruled out, since all known Totenpässe are invariably made of gold24 and – save two uncertain examples25 – the application of such items in the Roman imperial period is not attested by archaeological finds or any other sources.26 Discarding the possible interpretations as a protective amulet or a Totenpass, it seems more plausible that the Sopianae magical lamella was devised for a necromantic ritual. The practice of divination by summoning the spirits of the dead or re-animating corpses is wellknown from literary sources,27 but since it is not attested convincingly by any archaeological evidence, necromancy has been long regarded by some scholars as a mere literary topos (at least in the Roman imperial period).28 The assumption is also corroborated by the stratigraphic situation observed during the excavation of the grave: the covering tegulae directly above the skull were broken (Fig. 2), therefore it is likely that the grave was deliberately disturbed, targeting specifically the head of the deceased. This also indicates that the disturbance must have taken place not long after the burial, as the sorcerer performing the necromancy must have known the position of the corpse inside the gravepit. 19 See below. I am the son of Earth, cf. SEG 48,1236bis: ὑὸς Γᾶς ἐμί; IG IX,2,115; IG XIV, 638; SEG, 40, 824: Γῆς παῖς εἰμί. 21 Kotansky 1994, xv–xvi; Bajnok 2013, 707–708. 22 Kotansky 1994, Nr. 4, 9, 10, 12, 17–18, 20, 26, 31–32, 35–37, 39, 51–52, 67. 23 Kotansky 1991, 115–116. 24 Bernabé – Jiménez San Cristóbal 2008, 2; Bencze 2013, 361. 25 Zuntz 1971, 333–335. (Rome); Kotansky 1994, 95–96. Nr. 23. (Orşova), 107–112. Nr. 23. (Rome); Bernabé – Jiménez San Cristóbal 2008, 133–135. (Rome); Németh 2014, 102. (Orşova). 26 Bernabé – Jimenez San Cristóbal 2008, 3, 183–184; Bencze 2013, 360–363. 27 Ogden 2001, esp. 149–159. 28 Faraone 2005b, 255–257. 20 A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth 243 Similar divinatory practices are attested in the descriptions of the so-called GraecoEgyptian magical papyri. The closest parallel is perhaps the ritual called “Pitys the Thessalian’s spell for questioning corpses” (PGM IV, 2140–2144), which instructs the sorcerer to put a flax leaf, inscribed with voces magicae, inside the mouth of the targeted corpse. Another necromantic spell described in the so-called Great Paris Magical Papyrus (PGM IV, 2125– 2139) also indicates that the focus of these practices was the mouth of the targeted corpse.29 Regarding the archaeological evidence, C. Faraone has recently interpreted a find from the Vigna Codini columbarium30 (Fig. 8) in Rome as an assemblage used for necromancy.31 Furthermore, he pointed out that the lack of archaeological evidence could be explained by the fact that necromancy (and in general, any presumably nefarious activities around cemeteries and graves) was severely persecuted by the Roman authorities,32 as it is attested by various direct33 and indirect34 sources. Another magical lamella (Fig. 9), made of gold, discovered in a sarcophagus during construction works in Cibalae (Vinkovci, Croatia) in 1932,35 was allegedly also found in the skull of the deceased.36 Even though this tablet is preserved in a rather good condition, its inscription only features voces magicae and charaktêres, therefore its exact function cannot be deciphered from the text. This fact and the lack of any detailed archaeological documentation concerning the circumstances of discovery renders it impossible to determine if the tablet was indeed used for necromancy. Nevertheless, the placement of the rolled-up gold sheet inside the mouth of the deceased is similar to the practice observed in the northern cemetery of Sopianae with the silver lamella. Another peculiar aspect of the burial is the interpretation of the bone hairpin (Fig. 4), which was discovered in situ in the mouth of the skull. (Fig. 3) If our assumption is correct, and the broken bone pin (deprived from its pointy end) had been used to inscribe the text onto the lamella, then we can render at least two parallel finds to this peculiar procedure. The oldest example is a small lead container from Hadrumetum, in which a lead lamella and broken parts of a bronze stylus were found.37 The thick lead tablet, today kept in the 29 Ogden 2001, 214–216; Faraone 2005b, 269–271. Jordan 1985, 162–167; Kotansky 1994, 113–117. Nr. 28; Faraone 2005a. 31 Faraone 2005a, 40–42. 32 Faraone 2005b, 255–257 33 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae XIX, 12, 14; XXIX, 1, 29–32; Codex Iustinianus IX, 18, 5; IX,19, 1; IX, 19, 3. Cf. Ogden 2001, 157. 34 The usage of euphemisms and cryptic terminology in the passages describing necromantic practices in the Great Paris Magical Papyrus (PGM IV) was interpreted by C. Faraone as such an indirect source for the persecution of necromancy. See Faraone 2005b, 279–281. 35 Klajn 1963, 9. Sl. 7. (ed. pr.); Migotti 1994, 43, 189–190; CIGP3 Nr. 125. 36 This detail is first mentioned in Migotti 1994. 37 Audollent 1904, 426: “Dans une tombe de Sousse, le sergent Icard a recueilli cette année une petite boîte de plomb cylindrique à couvercle, haute de 0m,075 et large de 0m,055… Elle contenait une lamelle de plomb roulée, comme toutes les tabellae exsecrationis que l’on découvertes à Sousse ou à Carthage et les fragments d’un stylet de bronze don’t la partie pointue est assez bien conservée. La plaque de plomb a été déroulée ; malhereusement elle a était très oxydée, et quelques lettres qu’on y aperçoit a grand’peine ne donnent pas de sens suivi." For a reconstruction of the history of the container, see Németh 2013, 79–83. 30 244 Die Barbaren Roms Musée Bargoin (Clermont-Ferrand, France) broke into three parts while it was unrolled. Its Greek (and sometimes Latin) letters do not offer a meaningful text (e.g. COLSH; αλλινφιχ; αλυχ).38 As this assemblage was found in a grave of a cemetery that yielded numerous lead curse tablets, this lamella was self-evidently interpreted as a curse tablet. This interpretation is confirmed by a new assemblage from Aquincum that included a Latin lead curse tablet and a bent stylus (Fig. 10). The text of the curse tablet makes reference to the manipulation of the writing instrument (graphium), therefore we have good reason to think that it had been used to inscribe the text of the tablet.39 However, the Sopianae lamella is made of silver, and the deciphered words do not necessarily imply a curse. Nevertheless, the oddly placed bone hairpin certainly played some role in the magical practice as the writing tool for the silver lamella. Summary The assemblage uncovered in the north cemetery of Sopianae can be considered an example of 3rd–4th century necromancy. It is likely that during the necromantic procedure the grave was opened, the inscribed silver lamella was placed into the mouth of the dead woman, the bone pin (earlier used to write the inscription) was broken and also put into the mouth of woman. We can hypothesize that she was indeed called Aquilina, and she needed to identify herself while fulfilling her commission in the afterlife. The details of this commission cannot be deciphered from the damaged letters of the silver sheet, yet the characteristics of the excavated material, the archaeological parallels, and the testimony of Graeco-Egyptian magical papyri witnessing similar procedures allow us to assume that this find is the first archaeologically documented example of necromantic rituals in Pannonia. Bibliography Audollent 1904 A. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae quotquot innotuerunt tam in Graecis Orientis, quam in totius Occidentis partibus propter Atticas, in Corpore Inscriptionum Atticarum editas (Paris 1904) Bajnok 2013 D. Bajnok, Védj meg engem minden démontól. Görög nyelvű védővarázslatok papiruszon és fémlemezen, /In/: Á. M. Nagy (ed.), Az Olympos mellett. Mágikus hagyományok az ókori Mediterraneumban (Budapest 2013), 707−738. Barkóczi 1988 L. Barkóczi, Pannonische Glasfunde in Ungarn (Budapest 1988) 38 39 Inv. nr. 72.1.201. A preliminary report on the stylus and on the new interpretation of the curse tablet has been published only in Hungarian, see Barta–Lassányi 2015. A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth 245 Barta – Lassányi 2015 A. Barta – G. Lassányi, Az elgörbült nyelv. Új adatok egy aquincumi átoktábla rítusához, Ókor 14, 2015, 70–74. Bencze 2013 Á. Bencze, Bacchoi kai mystai. Eszkhatologikus hiedelmek és rítusok Magna Graeciában. /In/: Á. M. Nagy (ed.), Az Olympos mellett. Mágikus hagyományok az ókori Mediterraneumban (Budapest 2013), 352-385. Bernabé – Jiménez San Cristóbal 2008 A. Bernabé – A. I. Jiménez San Cristóbal, Instructions for the Netherworld. 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Kotansky, Incantations and Prayers for Salvation on Inscribed Greek Amulets. /In/: C. A. Faraone − D. Obbink (edd.), Magika Hiera. Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (New York − Oxford 1991), 107−137. Kotansky 1994 R. D. Kotansky, Greek Magical Amulets. The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper and Bronze Lamellae. Part I. Published Texts of Known Provenance. Papyrologia Coloniensia XXII/1 (Opladen 1994) Lives 1991 The Lives of the Holy Women Martyrs (Holy Apostles Convent 1991) Migotti 1994 B. Migotti, The Archaeological Material of the Early Christian period in Continental Croatia, /In/: Od nepobjedivog sunca do sunca pravde - From the invincible sun to the sun of justice. Early Christianity in continental Croatia (Zagreb 1994), 187−209. Németh 2013 Gy. Németh, Supplementum Audollentianum (Zaragoza – Budapest 2013). Németh 2014 Gy. Németh, A charaktêrek (mágikus jelek) eredetéről, /In/: P. Kovács – B. Fehér (edd.), Studia Epigraphica Pannonica VI. 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Three Studies in Religion and Thought in Magna Graecia, (Oxford 1971) List of figures Fig. 1 − The northern necropolis of Sopianae (Katona Győr 2013, 154, 1. ábra) Fig. 2 − Grave Nr. 26. before removing the covering tegulae (Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum, Pécs) Fig. 3 − Close-up photograph of the skull of the deceased (Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum, Pécs) Fig. 4 − Photograph of the bone hairpin (unrestored) found in the mouth of the skull (Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum, Pécs) Fig. 5 − The rolled-up silver foil before restoration (Janus Pannonius Archaeological Museum, Pécs) Fig. 6 − The unrolled and restored silver foil − note that the photograph was taken from the restored reverse side of the silver sheet and the image was flipped horizontally (photograph by A. Szabó) Fig. 7 − Drawing of the unrolled and restored silver foil (drawing by A. Szabó) Fig. 8 − The gold leaf from the Vigna Codini columbarium (Kotansky 1994, Pl. VI. 28.) Fig. 9 − The gold lamella from Cibalae (CIGP3 Nr. 125.) Fig. 10 − The bronze stylus used for the preparation of the Aquincum curse tablet (Barta − Lassányi 2015, 72. Image 4) Die Barbaren Roms 248 Fig. 1 Fig. 2 A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth Fig. 3 Fig. 4 249 Die Barbaren Roms 250 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 A Lady with a Bone Hairpin in Her Mouth Fig. 7 Fig. 8 251 Die Barbaren Roms 252 Fig. 9 Fig. 10