Scandinavian-style metalwork from southern England: new light on the ‘First Viking Age’ in Wessex

Jane Kershaw

'Contributions' is the theme of the twentieth biennial conference of the International Society for the Study of Early Medieval England. Under this broadly conceived and inherently positive rubric, we have accepted papers that focus on individuals, groups, sources, events, artifacts, and phenomena that have contributed and/or continue to contribute to the study of early medieval England. We intend this theme both to highlight and to celebrate the spirit of collaboration, interdisciplinarity, and dialogue between diverse parties that has typified our field at its best. By focusing on contributions-academic and popular, medieval and modern, English and non-English, Anglophone and non-Anglophone-we hope this conference will help to dispel myths of an early medieval England that was exclusionary, isolated, and culturally homogenous and contribute to building a more inclusive and constructively pluralistic field. Conference coordinating committee Lilla Kopár, Thijs Porck and Chelsea Shields-Más Winchester committee Carolin Esser-Miles, Eric Lacey, Ryan Lavelle and Katherine Weikert Montréal committee Bruce Gilchrist and Christopher Vaccaro Adelaide committee Matthew Firth, Cassandra Schilling and Erin Sebo Leiden committee Marcelle Cole, Judith Kaup, Elise Louviot and Thijs Porck

WHY WERE important Viking longhouses built on large mounds of sand and then repeatedly rebuilt in precisely the same apparently challenging location? Generations of Viking–late Norse people did so, on sandy bays along the coasts of the Northern Isles of the United Kingdom. These prominent, 'layered-up' longhouse complexes were landscape statements. They reflected, in their location and the detail of their construction and use, the social attitudes and arrangements of those who lived in and visited them. The settlements played a pivotal role in power relationships and in the organisation of the local economy. This article explores the meaning of these focal settlement mounds through landscape archaeology; investigates building practices, stratigraphic detail and place-name associations; looks at their cultural roots in Scandinavia; and considers the role they played in the development of local social and political structures in Orkney. During the Viking–late Norse period, ad 800–1200, complex cultural connections were forged between the Northern Isles and Norway. Archaeological evidence and the Orkneyinga Saga suggest that people and things, and thus ideas, moved both ways between the two countries. The study of documents, place names, objects and structures has shaped our understanding of these exchanges: this article widens that appreciation by exploring the part landscape itself played in cultural change. Looking at the period from the first settlement in Orkney, through the beginnings of the Orkney Earldom (purportedly founded in the later 9th century) to the establishment of medieval authority structures in the mid-to late 13th century, I will draw, in particular, on new material from Oxford University's Birsay–Skaill Landscape Archaeology Project (Fig 1a). This project has undertaken survey and excavation along the coast of West Mainland (Orkney, Northern Isles, UK) since 2004, with excavation work concentrated on the Bay of Skaill (Sandwick, West Mainland, Orkney) and Marwick Bay (West Mainland) (Fig 1b). 2 Viking–late Norse settlement in the Orkney Islands is overwhelmingly coastal and predominantly located on the windblown-sand bays of the islands and in particular of Mainland, Rousay, Westray, Sanday and North Ronaldsay (Fig 2a). 3 These bays and coastal stretches were extremely attractive to Viking settlers, providing sheltered harbours and locations well situated for a broad-based economy exploiting land, shore and sea. The vast majority of farms in such prime locations were located on a mound and associated

Between 2010 and 2014, the State Archaeological Department of Schleswig-Holstein in Germany jointly undertook excavation work with the Danish Museum Sønderjylland – Arkæologi Haderslev on the linear earthwork monument, the Danevirke. These transnational excavations have led to important new findings, which include the discovery of the site of a gateway, where major transport routes converged for at least five hundred years. Furthermore, newly gained C14-dates indicate that the second main building phase of the Danevirke dates to around AD 500. Therefore, the dating of the first beginnings of the earthwork must be pushed back in time, making the Danevirke more than 200 years older than previously thought. Additionally, dendrochronological dates show that around the year AD 1200 substantial building activities took place, which reveal the intention of developing the Danevirke further. A project is currently ongoing, which aims to publish the results of the 2010−2014 excavations. This article outlines the synopsis of those results and current working hypotheses.

his pdf of your paper in Danes in Wessex belongs to the publishers Oxbow Books and it is their copyright. As author you are licenced to make up to 50 ofprints from it, but beyond that you may not publish it on the World Wide Web until three years from publication (January 2019), unless the site is a limited access intranet (password protected). If you have queries about this please contact the editorial department at Oxbow Books (editorial@ oxbowbooks.com). Danes in Wessex Danes in Wessex he Scandinavian Impact on Southern England, c.800–c.1100 Print Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-931-9 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-932-6 Edited by Ryan Lavelle Simon Rofey © Oxbow Books 2016 Oxford & Philadelphia www.oxbowbooks.com Published in the United Kingdom in 2016 by OXBOW BOOKS 10 Hythe Bridge Street, Oxford OX1 2EW and in the United States by OXBOW BOOKS 1950 Lawrence Road, Havertown, PA 19083 © Oxbow Books and the individual authors 2016 Print Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-931-9 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78297-932-6 A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Lavelle, Ryan, editor, author. | Rofey, Simon, editor, author. Title: Danes in Wessex : the Scandinavian impact on southern England, c.800-c.1100 / edited by Ryan Lavelle, Simon Rofey. Description: Philadelphia : Oxbow Books, 2015. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identiiers: LCCN 2015031241 | ISBN 9781782979319 (pbk.) Subjects: LCSH: Danes--England--Wessex--History. | Wessex (England)--History. | Great Britain--History--Anglo-Saxon period, 449-1066. | Scandinavians--England--Wessex--History. | Vikings--England--Wessex. | Wessex (England)--Antiquities. Classiication: LCC DA670.W48 D36 2015 | DDC 942.201--dc23 LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015031241 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the publisher in writing. Printed in the United Kingdom by Short Run Press, Exeter For a complete list of Oxbow titles, please contact: UNITED KINGDOM Oxbow Books Telephone (01865) 241249, Fax (01865) 794449 Email: oxbow@oxbowbooks.com www.oxbowbooks.com UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Oxbow Books Telephone (800) 791-9354, Fax (610) 853-9146 Email: queries@casemateacademic.com www.casemateacademic.com/oxbow Oxbow Books is part of the Casemate group Front cover: Winchester Cathedral, the north screen of the presbytery, 1525, with the tomb of Harthacnut, looking south-east. (Photograph © John Crook); inset: ‘King Alfred and the Danes’ by Andrew Brown Donaldson, c.1890 (Courtesy of Winchester City Museums Art Collection). Back cover: Trefoil brooch from Longbridge Deverill, Wiltshire, provided courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme. Contents Editorial Preface vii Foreword Barbara Yorke ix List of Contributors List of Abbreviations List of Illustrations x xi xiii 1. Introduction: Danes in Wessex Ryan Lavelle and Simon Rofey 1 2. West Saxons and Danes: Negotiating Early Medieval Identities Simon Rofey and Ryan Lavelle 7 3. he Place of Slaughter: Exploring the West Saxon Battlescape homas J. T. Williams 35 4. A Review of Viking Attacks in Western England to the Early Tenth Century: heir Motives and Responses Derek Gore 56 5. Landscapes of Violence in Early Medieval Wessex: Towards a Reassessment of Anglo-Saxon Strategic Landscapes John Baker and Stuart Brookes 70 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England: New Light on the ‘First Viking Age’ in Wessex Jane Kershaw 87 7. Death on the Dorset Ridgeway: he Discovery and Excavation of an Early Medieval Mass Burial Angela Boyle 109 vi Contents 8. Law, Death and Peacemaking in the ‘Second Viking Age’: An Ealdorman, his King, and some ‘Danes’ in Wessex Ryan Lavelle 9. horkell the Tall and the Bubble Reputation: he Vicissitudes of Fame Ann Williams 122 144 10. A Place in the Country: Orc of Abbotsbury and Tole of Tolpuddle, Dorset Ann Williams 158 11. Danish Landowners in Wessex in 1066 C. P. Lewis 172 12. Danish Royal Burials in Winchester: Cnut and his Family Martin Biddle and Birthe Kjølbye-Biddle† 212 13. Some Relections on Danes in Wessex Today Lillian Céspedes González 250 Select Bibliography Index 263 269 Editorial Preface his volume stems from a conference of the same title, which we ran at the University of Winchester as part of the Wessex Centre for History and Archaeology’s programme in September 2011. New work on the early middle ages, not least the excavations of mass graves associated with the Viking Age in Dorset and Oxford, was beginning to draw attention to the gaps in our understanding of the wider impact of Scandinavians in areas of Britain not traditionally associated with them, and that a multidisciplinary – at times interdisciplinary – approach to the problems of their study was required to be applied to the Wessex region. Our tentative plans to publish the papers delivered at the conference were given a boost when Martin Biddle was able to conirm that he and Birthe Kjølbye-Biddle’s English translation of their contribution to Danske Kongegrave – a major work on Danish royal graves, due to go to press at the time of writing – could be made be available for our volume. We are delighted that all those who spoke at the conference have been able to present versions of their papers as chapters here but we have solicited further contributions, especially from those who, for a variety of reasons, were unable to speak at the conference. We are grateful to all of the contributors for their hard work, as well as their copious quantities of patience, good humour and forebearance. Editing this book has incurred a number of further debts of gratitude: Michael Hicks, David Hinton, and Barbara Yorke were instrumental in their encouragement and advice when organising the original conference, and we are especially grateful to Barbara Yorke for her advice at many points during the gestation of this volume and for kindly providing a foreword. Clare Litt and her colleagues at Oxbow Books have been extremely accommodating in helping bring this volume together, and in answering many technical queries. Our colleague Kate Weikert provided an invaluable inal reading of the complete manuscript, which saved us from a number of infelicities. We also wish to record our thanks to Richard Abels, John Crook, Carey Fleiner, Charles Insley, Janine Lavelle, Duncan Probert, David Score, Sarah Semple, Gabor homas, Nick horpe, Katie Tucker, and Andrew Wareham. Finally, we gratefully acknowledge the inancial support of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society – whose generous grant has allowed a number of illustrations in this volume to be reproduced in colour – as well as the inancial and institutional support of the Archaeology and History Departments of the University of Winchester. Ryan Lavelle Simon Rofey Winchester, September 2015 Foreword here have been many studies of the Scandinavians in Britain, but this, so far as I know, is the irst collection of essays to be devoted solely to their engagement with Wessex. It must be welcomed as an important contribution to wider debates concerning Anglo-Scandinavian relations in the ninth to eleventh centuries. While there may not have been the same degree of impact, discernable particularly in place-names and archaeology, as in those areas of Britain which had substantial inluxes of Scandinavian settlers, Wessex was a major theatre of the Viking wars in the reigns of Alfred and Æthelred Unræd. he succession of Cnut brought the Danish king and his court into the heart of Wessex, with some of his countrymen becoming major landowners and royal agents. hese two major topics, the Viking wars and the Danish landowning elite, igure strongly in the collection, but are not its exclusive concern, nor the sole reasons for the presence of Danes, or items associated with them, in Wessex. Multi-disciplinary approaches mean that Vikings and Danes are evoked not just through the written record, but through their impact on real and imaginary landscapes and via the objects they owned or produced. Some never returned home, with, at one extreme, the executed Scandinavians of the Dorset Ridgeway, and, at the other, the burials of Cnut and members of his family and court in Winchester. he papers raise wider questions which the editors explore in their joint contribution. When did aggressive Vikings morph into more acceptable Danes, and what issues of identity were there for natives and incomers in a province whose founders were believed to have also come from North Sea areas, if not from parts of Denmark itself? Readers can continue for themselves aspects of these broader debates that will be stimulated by this fascinating and signiicant series of studies by both established scholars and new researchers. Read, enjoy and think! Barbara Yorke Professor Emeritus University of Winchester and Honorary Professor Institute of Archaeology University of London List of Contributors John Baker Institute of Name Studies, School of English, University of Nottingham, University Park, Nottingham, NG7 2RD, UK John.Baker@nottingham.ac.uk Jane Kershaw University College London Institute of Archaeology, University College London, 31–34 Gordon Square, London, WC1H 0PY, UK J.Kershaw@ucl.ac.uk Martin Biddle Director of the Winchester Research Unit, Emeritus Professor of Medieval Archaeology, University of Oxford, Hertford College, Oxford, OX1 3BW, UK Martin.Biddle@hertford.ox.ac.uk Birthe Kjølbye-Biddle† was the excavator of the Old and New Minsters at Winchester, 1964–70, and Research Director of the Winchester Research Unit, 1972–2010. Angela Boyle Consultant for Oxford Archaeology, Janus House, Osney Mead, Oxford, OX2 0ES, UK Ange.Boyle@tiscali.co.uk www.burialarchaeologist.co.uk Stuart Brookes University College London Institute of Archaeology, University College London, 31–34 Gordon Square, London, WC1H 0PY, UK S.Brookes@ucl.ac.uk Lillian Céspedes González Department of History, University of Winchester, Winchester, Hants, SO22 4NR, UK L.Cespedes@winchester.ac.uk Derek Gore Honorary Fellow, University of Exeter, College of Humanities, Department of Archaeology, Laver Building, Exeter, EX4 4QE, UK D.A.Gore@exeter.ac.uk Ryan Lavelle History Department, University of Winchester, Winchester, Hants, SO22 4NR, UK Ryan.Lavelle@winchester.ac.uk C. P. Lewis Institute of Historical Research, Senate House, Malet St, London, WC1E 7HU, UK Chris.Lewis@sas.ac.uk Simon Rofey Archaeology Department, University of Winchester, Winchester, Hants, SO22 4NR, UK Simon.Rofey@winchester.ac.uk Ann Williams Independent Scholar, Wanstead, London, UK homas J. T. Williams University College London Institute of Archaeology, University College London, 31–34 Gordon Square, London, WC1H 0PY, UK T.Williams09@ucl.ac.uk List of Abbreviations AB Æthelweard, Chronicon ANS ASC ASE Asser ASSAH BAR Bede, HE BL CG DB EETS EHR EMC EME Exon GDB JW LDB Annales Bertiani, ed. G. Waitz, MGH Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum 5 (Hannover, 1883); trans. J. L. Nelson, he Annals of St Bertin (Manchester, 1991); cited by annal year Chronicon Æthelweardi: he Chronicle of Æthelweard, ed. and trans. A. Campbell (London, 1962) Various editors, Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies 1978 etc. (Woodbridge, 1979 etc.); cited by volume number and conference year Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Text edited in he Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, general eds D. N. Dumville and S. D. Keynes (Woodbridge, 9 vols published, 1983–present). Unless otherwise noted, translations are cited from D. Whitelock, D. C. Douglas and S. I. Tucker, he Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: a Revised Translation (London, 1961; rev. 1965); entries are cited by MS where versions difer substantially and, unless otherwise noted, the corrected annal year assigned by Whitelock et al. Anglo-Saxon England; cited by volume and year Asser’s Life of King Alfred Together with the Annals of Saint Neots Erreoneously Ascribed to Asser, ed. W. H. Stevenson (Oxford, 1906); cited by chapter and page Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History; cited by volume and year British Archaeological Reports Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum: Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. and trans. B. Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1969); cited by book, chapter and page British Library Continental Germanic Domesday Book Phillimore county edition (J. Morris [general ed.], Chichester, 1975–86); referred to by county volume and cited by entry number Early English Text Society English Historical Review Corpus of Early Medieval Coin Finds; Sylloge of Coins of the British Isles, hosted by the Department of Coins and Medals, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge <http://www-cm. itzmuseum.cam.ac.uk/emc/> Early Medieval Europe Exon Domesday, in Libri Censualis, vocati Domesday Book, Additamenta ex Codic. Antiquiss. Exon Domesday; Inquisitio Eliensis; Liber Winton; Boldon Book, ed. H. Ellis (London, 1816); entries cited according to folio, with a or b (for recto or verso) and the number accorded to the entry on that page Great Domesday Book, in Great Domesday, general ed. R. W. H. Erskine, Alecto Historical Editions (London, 1986–92); reference given by folio, column, and, where appropriate, cited place-name he Chronicle of John of Worcester: Volume II: he Annals from 450–1066, ed. and trans. R. R. Darlington and P. McGurk (Oxford, 1995); cited by annal and page Little Domesday Book, ed. A. Williams and G. H. Martin, Alecto Historical Editions (London, 6 vols, 2000). xii MGH NMR OE ON O.S. PAS PASE PDE RFA RS Sawyer, Charters TRE TRHS VCH WM, De ant. Glas. WM, GRA Abbreviations Monumenta Germaniae Historica English Heritage National Monuments Record <http://www.english-heritage.org.uk/nmr/> Old English Old Norse Ordnance Survey Portable Antiquities Scheme <http://inds.org.uk> King’s College London and University of Cambridge, Prosopography of Anglo-Saxon England <http://www.pase.ac.uk> King’s College London, Proile of a Doomed Elite: he Structure of English Landed Society in 1066 research project; results integrated into PASE database ‘Royal Frankish Annals’: Annales Regni Francorum, ed. F. Kurze, MGH Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum (Hannover, 1895); trans. P. D. King, Charlemagne: Translated Sources (Kendall, 1987) Rolls Series Citation of charter, catalogued in Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography, ed. P. H. Sawyer, Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks 8 (London, 1968); revised version ed. S. E. Kelly, R. Rushforth et al., for the Electronic Sawyer: Online Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Charters website, King’s College London <http://www.esawyer.org.uk> Tempore Regis Edwardi (‘at the time of King Edward [the Confessor]’) Transactions of the Royal Historical Society Victoria County History (London, 1901–); volumes cited according to county and volume number William of Malmesbury, De antiquitate Glastonie ecclesie, in he Early History of Glastonbury: an Edition, Translation, and Study of William of Malmesbury’s ‘De antiquitate Glastonie ecclesie’, ed. and trans. J. Scott (Woodbridge, 1981) William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum: he History of the English Kings, Volume 1, ed. and trans. R. M. homson, M. Winterbottom and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford, 1998); cited by chapter, passage and page number; Volume II: Introduction and Commentary, ed. R. M. homson (Oxford, 1999) is cited as ‘Vol. 2’ List of Illustrations Figures 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 4.1. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 5.6. Grave Slab (CG WS 104.2) and marker (CG WS 104.1) over the grave of Gunni, as found during the Old Minster excavations, looking north-east. (Photograph by J. W. Hopkins III, © Winchester Excavations Committee) Photograph and drawing of fragment with runic inscription of the word ‘Huskarl’, re-used in the tower of St Maurice’s, Winchester (H: c.92 mm, W: c.177 mm, L: c.185 mm, Diam. of curve: c.430 mm). (Courtesy of Winchester Excavations Committee and Winchester City Council) Queen Emma and King Cnut presenting a gold cross, in the early eleventh-century Liber Vitae of New Minster, Winchester (BL MS Stowe 944, fol. 6r.). (© British Library Board. All Rights Reserved) Map of the region around Edington and Bratton, Wiltshire, from the irst edition Ordnance Survey County Series 1:10560 (1889). (© Crown Copyright and Database Right 2013. Ordnance Survey (Digimap Licence)) Bratton Camp. Detail of the environs of Bratton Camp and Warden’s Down. Edington Hill. Detail of the region around Edington Hill. Places in western England discussed in the text. he Vikings in England as revealed in narrative sources. Named herepaðas in the Avebury region, Domesday settlement pattern and sites mentioned in the text. Occurrences of herepæð and related compounds in England. Yatesbury, Wiltshire. Photograph of the westfacing section of the ditch cut around the modiied Bronze Age mound. (Image courtesy of Andrew Reynolds) Possible late Anglo-Saxon mustering sites in England. Plan of the ‘hanging promontory’ site by Moot Hill adjacent to the shire boundary of Dorset and Somerset, with photograph of the views south from the meeting-place over northern Dorset. 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. 6.6. 6.7. 6.8. 6.9. 6.10. 6.11. 6.12. 6.13. 6.14. 6.15. 6.16. Trefoil brooch from Longbridge Deverill, Wiltshire. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Strap-slide from Hannington, Hampshire. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Tongue-shaped brooch from Prestegården, Vestfold, Norway. (After E. Wamers, ‘Eine Zungenibel aus dem Hafen von Haithabu’, ig. 11, 1) Strap-slide and strap-end from Wharram Percy, Yorkshire. (After A. R. Goodall and C. Paterson, ‘Non-ferrous Metal Objects’, igs 61, 22 and 23) Strap-end from Mudford, Somerset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Tongue-shaped brooch from Eketorp, Sweden. (© Stockholm Historiska Museet) Strap-end from St Leonards and St Ives, Dorset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Finger-ring found near Shaftesbury, Dorset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Silver ingot from Headbourne Worthy, Hampshire. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Silver ingot from Over Compton, Dorset. (Image courtesy of Dorset County Museum) Inset lead weight from Kingston, Dorset. (© he Trustees of the British Museum) Enamel offcut from Winterbourne Zelston, Dorset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Carolingian sword belt mount from Wareham, Dorset. (© he Trustees of the British Museum) Bridle mount from Ashburton, Devon. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Distribution of Scandinavian-type metalwork in Wessex. (© Jane Kershaw) All early medieval metal work from the southwest recorded by the PAS, shown against modern constraints on metal-detecting. (© Jane Kershaw) xiv 7.1. 7.2. 7.3. 7.4. 7.5. 8.1. 10.1 11.1. 11.2. 12.1. 12.2. 12.3. 12.4. 12.5. List of Illustrations Location of the Ridgeway Hill site. (Image courtesy of Oxford Archaeology) he full extent of the skeletal deposit within the pit. (Image courtesy of Oxford Archaeology) An eleventh-century depiction of Abraham’s intended sacriice of his son, Isaac (BL MS Cotton Claudius B.IV, fol. 38r.). (© British Library Board. All Rights Reserved) he Harley Psalter’s depiction of torture and a mound apparently containing decapitated corpses (BL MS Harley 603, fol. 67r.). (© British Library Board. All Rights Reserved) Skeleton 3806: the decapitated skeleton of the individual who was probably the first to be executed and deposited in the pit. (Image courtesy of Oxford Archaeology) View of Portland and its harbour from Ridgeway Hill. (Photograph © Bob Ford 2004, http://www. natureportfolio.co.uk) Map of Lands of Orc and Abbotsbury, in their respective hundreds. (Map drawn by Ryan Lavelle with boundaries of the hundreds redrawn from the Alecto Domesday Map, with permission of Alecto Historical Editions) Landed estates of selected magnates. (Map drawn by Duncan Probert) Landed estates of selected great landowners. (Map drawn by Duncan Probert) Winchester Cathedral from the air. he excavation of the Anglo-Saxon Old Minster in progress, 1966, looking east. (Photograph R. C. Anderson. © Winchester Excavations Committee) Looking west down the axis of the plan of Old Minster laid out in modern brickwork along the north side of the nave of Winchester Cathedral. (Photograph © John Crook) Winchester in 1093: Old Minster, New Minster, and the east end of the new Norman cathedral, as they were on 15 July 1093, the day before the start of the demolition of Old Minster. (Drawn by Nicholas Griiths. © Winchester Excavations Committee) Old Minster: reconstruction of the Anglo-Saxon cathedral as it was between 992–4 and 1093, axonometric view, looking north-west. (Drawn by Simon Hayield. © Winchester Excavations Committee) Anglo-Saxon stone sculpture from Old Minster showing what may be the episode of Sigmund and the Wolf from Volsungasaga. (Photograph R. C. Anderson. © Winchester Excavations Committee) 12.6. 12.7. 12.8. 12.9. 12.10a. 12.10b. 12.11. 12.12. 12.13. 12.14. Winchester Cathedral: (A) he Norman presbytery as built 1079–93, showing the suggested positions of the Anglo-Danish royal graves. (B) The presbytery after the reconstruction of c.1310–15, showing the same graves in their new positions. (Drawn by Hamish Roberton and Simon Hayield. © Winchester Excavations Committee) Winchester Cathedral, looking west from the retrochoir towards the early fourteenth-century screen commemorating benefactors at the east end of the presbytery. he entrance to ‘he Holy Hole’ is in the middle. (Photograph © John Crook) he south screen of the presbytery, 1525, with the tomb of Earl Beorn and Richard son of William the Conqueror under the further of the two arched niches, looking north-east. On top of the screen are two of Bishop Fox’s chests of 1525, the further one containing the supposed bones of King Edmund (d.1016). (Photograph © John Crook) he tomb of Earl Beorn and Richard son of William the Conqueror, c.1525 and earlier. he Latin inscription of 1525 wrongly identifies Richard as BEORNIE DVCIS, ‘Duke of Beornia’. (Photograph © John Crook) he second half of the inscription on the later twelfth-century Purbeck marble tomb-slab of Earl Beorn and Richard, son of ‘King William the Elder’, reading REGI] S : FILI’ : ET : BEORN : DVX : [loral scroll] (Photograph © John Crook) he second half of the inscription on the later twelfth-century Purbeck marble tomb-slab of Edmund Ironside, reading [Eþ]ELDREDI : REGIS : FILIVS : (Photograph © John Crook) he tomb of Earl Beorn and Richard son of William the Conqueror, original drawing by F. J. Baigent when their tomb was opened on 27 May 1887. Winchester Cathedral Archives (Photograph © John Crook) he inscription on the lead coin of Earl Beorn and Richard son of William the Conqueror, facsimile made by F. J. Baigent when their tomb was opened on 27 May 1887. (From Warren, Illustrated Guide to Winchester (1909), p. 65) Winchester Cathedral, the northernmost niches of the early fourteenth-century screen, with bases for the statuettes of King Æthelred, King Edward the Confessor, King Cnut, and King Harthacnut. (Photograph © John Crook) Winchester Cathedral, inscriptions identifying the bases of lost statuettes of ‘Cnutus Rex’ and List of Illustrations 12.15. 12.16. 12.17. 12.18. 12.19. 12.20. 12.21. 12.22. 13.1. ‘Hardecnutus Rex, ilius eius’ in the northernmost niche of the early fourteenth-century screen. (Photograph © John Crook) Winchester Cathedral, the mortuary chest of 1661 on top of the south screen of the presbytery, beside the bishop’s throne, looking south-west. he chest, a replacement of 1661 following the sack of 1642, is said to contain the remains of Cnut and Emma. (Photograph © John Crook) he north side of the northern mortuary chest of 1661, showing the inscription added between 1684 and 1692. (Photograph © John Crook) Winchester Cathedral, the mortuary chests on top of the north screen of the presbytery, looking north-east. he nearest chest, a replacement of 1661 following the sack of 1642, is said to contain the remains of Cnut and Emma. (Photograph copyright © John Crook) he north side of the southern mortuary chest of 1661, said in the inscription to contain the remains of the bones of Kings Cnut and Rufus, of Queen Emma, and Bishops Wine and Ælfwine. (Photograph © John Crook) he northern mortuary chest of 1661, showing the bones, said to include those of Cnut and Emma, placed in the oak chest provided in 1932, looking west. (Photograph © John Crook) he southern mortuary chest of 1661, showing the bones, said to include those of Cnut and Emma, placed in the pine chest provided in 1932, looking east. (Photograph © John Crook) he north screen of the presbytery, 1525, with the tomb of Harthacnut, looking south-east. (Photograph © John Crook) he tomb of Harthacnut, c.1525. (Photograph © John Crook) Tableau from the Alfredian millenary celebrations of 1901, depicting Anglo-Saxons and Vikings at the Battle of Edington (878). (Reproduced from A. Bowker, he King Alfred Millenary (London, 1902), facing p. 178) 13.2. 13.3. 13.4. 13.5. xv A Southampton-based depiction of Viking culture: Skragbeard and the Vikings (Void Studios), by Tim Hall. (© Tim Hall; reproduced with permission) horkell the Tall’s force heading across Wessex, from Vinland Saga vol. 3, by Makoto Yukimura. (Vinland Saga © Makoto Yukimura/Kodansha, Ltd., All rights reserved) Words chosen for their associations with Vikings from online survey, recorded by frequency of response. A summary of issues cited in survey respondents’ views of Vikings (from online survey, recorded by frequency of response) Tables 10.1. 11.1. 11.2. 11.3. 11.4. 11.5. 11.6. 11.7. 11.8. 11.9. 11.10. 11.11 11.12. 11.13. 11.14. 11.15. 11.16. 11.17. 12.1. 12.2. Lands of Orc and Abbotsbury, with total holdings in hides and virgates. he Danish magnates of Wessex TRE. TRE holdings of Azur son of horth. TRE holdings of Bondi the staller. TRE holdings of Carl. TRE holdings of Mærleswein. TRE holdings of Saxi the housecarl. TRE holdings of Wigot of Wallingford. TRE holdings of Esgar the staller. TRE holdings of Siward Barn. TRE holdings of Aki the Dane. TRE holdings of Osgot of Hailes. he Danish great landowners of Wessex TRE. he Danish greater thegns of Wessex TRE. he Danish lesser thegns of Wessex TRE. he Danish rich peasants of Wessex TRE. TRE holdings of holf the Dane. TRE holdings of John the Dane. he burial places of the rulers of Wessex and England, 899–1100, and of Denmark, c.986–1042. Genealogy of the houses of England, Denmark, and Normandy, 959–1135. Chapter Six Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England: New Light on the ‘First Viking Age’ in Wessex Jane Kershaw Introduction his chapter presents a survey of Viking-related metalwork from Anglo-Saxon Wessex, an area spanning the modern-day counties of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Dorset, Wiltshire, Berkshire and Hampshire. he chronological focus of the survey is the late ninth to mid tenth century: the later part of the so-called First Viking Age in England, corresponding with the period of Viking overwintering and settlement.1 Unlike the north and east of England, the south is not a location of recorded Scandinavian settlement in this period. Indeed, Anglo-Saxon Wessex is often noted as the sole surviving Anglo-Saxon kingdom, whose ruler, King Alfred ‘the Great’, won a decisive military victory over the Viking Great Army at Edington (Wilts.) in 878 and successfully conined Viking settlement to the east of the Danelaw ‘boundary’. he defence of Wessex against further Viking attacks in the 890s has likewise been attributed to Alfred’s network of civil defences, most notably of burhs (fortiications).2 Despite this, recently recovered metalwork from the region reveals that Anglo-Saxon Wessex assimilated a wider spectrum of Scandinavian cultural inluences than previously thought. Whether due to a Viking presence or a process of cultural difusion from areas of known Scandinavian settlement, these new inds prompt a re-evaluation of the Viking impact in the south. In this chapter, I survey around twenty items of metalwork. Most, but not all, are recent metal- detector inds recorded by the Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS). The material is grouped into three categories: personal dress ittings; bullion and bullion-related objects; and Insular and Continental metalwork. he range of artefacts is diverse, but they have shared characteristics: all items either display Scandinavian inluence in their form or decoration and/or are likely to have circulated in Scandinavian hands, for instance, as Viking loot. Although overshadowed by the hundreds of comparable inds of Scandinavian-type metalwork now recorded from Danelaw territories, this material represents a highly signiicant addition to the limited, existing archaeological data for Scandinavian activity in Wessex.3 In this chapter, I hope to increase recognition of this – largely unexplored – material, and to provide a framework in which future discoveries of metalwork from Wessex can be assessed. The bulk of the chapter is devoted to an exploration of this material: its function, background and parallels. Drawing on patterns observed in the material’s chronology and geographic distribution, consideration is also given to the source of the metalwork and its likely historical context. Despite the absence of recorded Scandinavian settlement in Wessex, there are a number of possible backdrops to the circulation of Scandinavian-style metalwork. Viking raids sustained over much of the ninth and early tenth century ofer one possible context.4 A prolonged period of Viking activity is documented 88 Jane Kershaw Figure 6.1. Trefoil brooch from Longbridge Deverill, Wiltshire. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) in the 870s, when the Viking army attempting to conquer Wessex established winter bases in Reading (Berks.), Wareham (Dors.), Exeter (Dev.), and Chippenham (Wilts.), as well as in Gloucester and Cirencester, outside of Wessex, in Gloucestershire. Commercial contact with the Danelaw and processes of cultural difusion from Scandinavian-settled areas provide further possible import channels for the metalwork.5 Finally, the West Saxon ‘conquest’ of the Danelaw in the irst decades of the tenth century may have also generated the movement of people – and artefacts – to the south.6 he conclusion reached in this chapter is that, rather than being connected with a narrow period of Viking activity in Wessex, such as the presence of the Great Army in the 870s, the metalwork spans a broad time period and probably derives from a mix of sources. Dress Accessories he presence of Scandinavian-style dress items outside of the Viking homelands is often a secure indicator of Scandinavian cultural influence. In certain circumstances, it may also indicate a physical Viking presence. In England, hundreds of dress items in distinctly Scandinavian forms and styles have been recorded in recent years, predominantly from areas of known Scandinavian settlement in the north and east.7 A small corpus of dress accessories, totalling just a handful of inds, is also known from Wessex. Unlike in the Scandinavian-settled Danelaw, where female brooches dominate the corpus of Scandinavian-style dress items, there is just one Scandinavian female brooch on record from Wessex: a gilded copper-alloy trefoil brooch found via metal-detecting in 2009, in Longbridge Deverill, Wiltshire (Figure 6.1).8 he brooch has moulded decoration in the Scandinavian Borre style, comprising, in the centre, a raised boss with three animal-head projections and, in each lobe, a gripping beast with a looping, pretzel-shaped body and an en-face mask, set within a volute. Each volute is linked by a triple-stranded ring and is bound by two arms emanating from the sides of the central boss. No ittings survive on the reverse, but the remains of solder reveal the location of three original ittings: a pin-lug, catchplate and a third itting, most likely an attachment loop. he 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England attachment loop is a distinctly Scandinavian feature of Viking Age brooches, used for the suspension of accessories and, occasionally, as an extra safety catch. Its presence on the Wiltshire trefoil indicates that the brooch was produced according to Scandinavian methods of manufacture.9 Both the form and style of the brooch identify it with a known Scandinavian trefoil brooch type dated to the late ninth and early tenth centuries: Birgit Maixner’s Type Z 1.2, with parallels in Sweden and Norway.10 Two brooches from Norway share with the Wiltshire brooch a hollowing on the underside behind the central boss, and thus ofer particularly close analogues. It is possible that all three trefoils derive from the same mould or master. hat said, a clay mould potentially for trefoil brooches of this type is also known from Gnezdovo, Russia, raising the possibility that the manufacture of this trefoil type was geographically widespread.11 he Longbridge Deverill brooch is one of over ifteen Scandinavian trefoil brooches found in English soil; still larger numbers were produced locally in imitation of Scandinavian styles.12 With the exception of one other Borre-style trefoil brooch, from Bampton, Oxfordshire,13 all other examples come from the Danelaw, making the Longbridge Deverill trefoil a clear outlier. It is unlikely to have been produced locally and its context of loss is unclear. Importantly, the absence of attachment ittings indicates that it had ceased to function as a brooch prior to its loss or deposition. he item may, therefore, have been adapted for some secondary use or even preserved simply as scrap metal by the time that it reached Wessex. The remaining Scandinavian-style dress accessories from Wessex comprise belt ittings, with ornament in, or relating to, the Scandinavian Borre style.14 he function of a strap-slide from Hannington, Hampshire,15 was to hold in place the end of a strap after it had passed through a buckle. It has a decorated rectangular plate with rounded corners and an integral rectangular loop (Figure 6.2). he plate is 2.8cm long and appears gilded, 89 Figure 6.2. Strap-slide from Hannington, Hampshire. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) although it was reportedly ‘touched up’ with gold paint by the inder. It has a plain raised border and a central raised concave-sided triangle, from which four strands emerge: two upper strands extend diagonally to the corners of the plate, while two lower strands angle upwards, creating V-shapes. A ring with two contours in its upper part and three in its lower loops around the central triangle, passing under the side strands to generate a closed ring. Small strap-slides with square, oval and rectangular plates form a relatively common part of Carolingian spur-sets.16 hey were also worn in Scandinavian dress, with leggings or footwear, or with waist belts. Within Scandinavia, nearly all strap-slides were decorated with simple geometric designs or the ring-knot and interlace motifs of the Borre style, a pattern that suggests that the fashion for such slides was contemporary with the currency of the Borre style: the late ninth and tenth centuries.17 It is to this Scandinavian tradition that the Hannington slide belongs, its closed ring motif essentially representing an attenuated form of the Borre ring-knot. Comparisons with similar motifs on other Scandinavian artefacts, such as a tongue-shaped brooch from Prestegården, Vestfold, Norway, suggest that the motif has zoomorphic 90 Jane Kershaw Figure 6.3. Tongue-shaped brooch from Prestegården, Vestfold, Norway. (After E. Wamers, ‘Eine Zungenibel aus dem Hafen von Haithabu’, ig. 11, 1) origins, the V-shaped lower strands relecting the sharply angled limbs, and the central triangle the truncated bodies, of Borre-style beasts (Figure 6.3).18 he Hannington slide is particularly close in form and style to a Borre-style strap-slide from Kaagården, Langeland, Denmark, and a further slide of Scandinavian manufacture, found at Wharram Percy, Yorkshire (Figure 6.4, bottom).19 Both examples are more elaborate than the Hannington piece, with several zoomorphic stylistic elements still intact. hey suggest a place of manufacture for the Hannington slide either within Scandinavia or in a Scandinavian milieu within the British Isles. Strap-slides are relatively rare inds in the British Isles: in most instances they either come from a Scandinavian ind context or carry ornament in a Scandinavian style.20 he appearance of a Borre-style slide in Hampshire in the late ninth or tenth century is thus likely to have been associated with a Scandinavian presence. Alison Goodall and Caroline Paterson have suggested that the belt slide from Wharram Percy may have formed a set with a similarly decorated tongue-shaped strap-end from the same site (Figure 6.4, top).21 Interestingly, this strap-end has its Figure 6.4. Strap-slide and strap-end from Wharram Percy, Yorkshire. (After A. R. Goodall and C. Paterson, ‘Non-ferrous Metal Objects’, igs 61, 22 and 23) own counterpart in a further Wessex ind, from Mudford, Somerset (Figure 6.5).22 he Mudford strap-end is likewise tongue-shaped, with a central projecting knop. Its butt-end contains three rivet holes, two with the rivets still intact. he buttend is recessed on the reverse, a design intended to allow the strap to be attached by an additional rectangular sheet of metal.23 he form of the strapend – tongue-shaped, with a projecting knop and recessed butt-end – are all features of Gabor homas’s Class E strap-end, a form initiated on the Carolingian continent but widely adopted in England and Scandinavia during the ninth and tenth centuries.24 he decoration on the front face of the strapend consists of raised symmetrical interlace with 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England 91 Figure 6.5. Strap-end from Mudford, Somerset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) scrolled terminals and looping, contoured strands with tendril-like ends, positioned on either side of a concave-sided sub-rectangular rib. No animal elements are visible, but comparisons with the strap-end from Wharram Percy suggest that the design has a zoomorphic origin (Figure 6.4, top). On the Wharram strap-end, the central concavesided feature is ribbed. With this added element, the rib takes on the appearance of a stylised Borre- or Jellinge-style animal torso, while the scrolled terminals resemble the spiral hips, and the subsequent interlace the limbs, of the same creatures. his zoomorphic element is relected in the angular movements of the scroll on the Mudford strap-end, which mirrors the sharply angled hips of Borre-style beasts. he strap-end from Wharram is a close parallel for the Mudford item, although the latter is plainer, without the ribbing and border embellishments seen on the Wharram piece. he decorative scheme of both items is, however, ultimately rooted in a Scandinavian tradition, being descended from a motif of two symmetrical Borre/Jellinge-style creatures arranged over a long axis, which appears on Scandinavian rectangular- and tongue-shaped brooches as well as strap-ends (Figure 6.6). 25 he simpliication in the design of the Mudford piece nonetheless raises the possibility that it was produced in England in an Anglo-Scandinavian Figure 6.6. Tongue-shaped brooch from Eketorp, Sweden. (© Stockholm Historiska Museet) setting, whereas the strap-end from Wharram Percy has a number of idiosyncratic details which point to Scandinavian manufacture.26 he Mudford strapend can be dated, on the basis of its style, from the late ninth to mid tenth century, a date that its with the circulation of tongue-shaped strap-ends more generally. A second strap-end from the South-West is an Anglo-Scandinavian product. he item, from St Leonards and St Ives, Dorset, is a fragment, missing its lower half (Figure 6.7).27 Its butt-end is recessed on the back, with two misaligned rivet holes, one of which is incomplete due to fractures in the 92 Jane Kershaw Figure 6.7. Strap-end from St Leonards and St Ives, Dorset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) attachment plate. he decoration of the main face comprises a stylised en-face animal mask made up of two double-stranded volutes bound by a curved horizontal double band; this appears to generate two triangular ears above, and two rounded eyes below, a prominent brow. A vertical rib, efectively an extension of the volutes, seems to represent the ‘nose’ of the creature. It cuts a row of four pellets beneath the eyes and continues, forming two pelletcontaining loops, after which point the strap-end breaks of. his strap-end has exact parallels in two inds with similar breaks, from Swinhope, Lincolnshire28 and a further ind ‘near Hornsea’, East Yorkshire (not reported by the PAS), both of which are better preserved than the Dorset strap-end and conirm the layout of its zoomorphic ornament. The ornament is a devolved version of the Scandinavian Borre style, en-face masks with upright ears, beady eyes and curved horizontal brows forming key features of the Borre repertoire. On the basis of these parallels, it seems likely that the lower, missing half of the Dorset strap-end was rounded and carried a plaited, knotwork animal body. he arrangement of a dominant animal-head placed above a ring-knot body is found on mounts from Borre itself.29 Signiicantly, such layouts are not seen on contemporary Anglo-Saxon strap-ends, on which animal bodies ill the main plate and animalheads are reserved for the terminals.30 he inspiration for the Dorset strap-end and its parallels is likely to have been tongue-shaped brooches from Scandinavia, as Caroline Paterson has similarly suggested for a related group of strap-ends, discussed below.31 In particular, the tongue-shaped brooch from Prestegården, Vestfold, Norway (Figure 6.3), shares with the group the composition of the en-face animal head below the butt-end, as well as the line of four pellets and vertical bars; on the brooch, these represent the neck of the creature and extend further to form a looping knotwork body on the brooch’s lower half.32 he ornament on the Dorset strapend is, however, considerably more stylised than its Scandinavian counterpart, this debasement indicating manufacture in an Anglo-Scandinavian or native Anglo-Saxon setting. The ornament carried on these items is a variation of the decoration contained on a further group of Borre-style strap-ends with a mainly East Anglian distribution, which feature rows of stamped ring-dots on both the attachment and main plates, and which have a diferent animalface composition.33 The Borre-style ornament nonetheless links the two groups, as does their fragmentary condition, with strap-ends from both groups consistently revealing breaks half way along their length.34 his latter feature suggests a shared inherent weakness in the mould or model used in the strap-ends’ serial manufacture, and hints at a single place of manufacture for both strap-end varieties. he ind locations of the counterparts for the Dorset strap-end, coupled with the East Anglian distribution of the related group, points to a workshop within the Danelaw. hey make the Dorset example a clear outlier, perhaps lost by a traveller from the Danelaw or introduced to Dorset through trade during the late ninth or early tenth century. Bullion Silver and gold arm- and inger-rings comprise an altogether diferent category of Scandinavian 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England jewellery. Not only did they function as ornament in the traditional sense, that of display; they were also a convenient means of storing and carrying bullion, and could be cut up when necessary to generate payment. As such, they ofer vital evidence not only for the presence of Scandinavian dress styles, but also for the operation of the Scandinavian bullion economy, in which weighed gold and silver was used as a means of exchange.35 In general within the Scandinavian bullion economy, the degree to which silver and gold ornaments were fragmented varies, from items which are complete to those that are efectively hack metal, with the middle ground being occupied by proto-hack-silver: ‘items of jewellery which are still complete, but which appear to have been deliberately twisted, lattened or bent in such a way that it is apparent that they were no longer thought of primarily as jewellery’.36 his sliding scale in the ‘bullionization’ of jewellery is partially relected in three inds of precious metal arm- and inger-rings from Wessex.37 Rings A near complete annular gold arm-ring, found in 1978 on a beach near Goodrington, Devon, is now in the British Museum.38 It is formed of three plain rods twisted together. Its tapering ends are combined and wrapped in a faceted gold sheet, decorated on its three outer faces with ring-stamps. he ends were originally bound on either side by gold wire, but this survives on one side only. he loss of the wire may be the result of damage, for the ring is worn and its shape distorted, although the arm-ring could still have functioned as such. Alternatively, the ring may have been in a state of disassembly when lost or deposited. A couple of nicks – cuts or notches applied to the edge of an object with a knife to test the purity of the metal and/or expose plated forgeries – are also visible and are suggestive of some active use as bullion. Simple, twisted rod arm-rings in silver and gold are a common feature of Viking Age Scandinavian hoards, with examples found in Britain likely, 93 in general, to have been either ‘imported from Scandinavia or … manufactured in Insular ‘Viking’ contexts’.39 Gold rings with twisted tapering rods, bound by wire and joined to faceted knobs, ofer especially close parallels to the Goodrington armring: examples come from Hornelund, Denmark, and the High Street excavations, Dublin, with another, recent ind from the York area.40 he Dublin examples were excavated from late tenthor early eleventh-century levels, but a recent reassessment of the chronology of twisted rod rings suggests that the type was in use from the second half of the ninth century.41 The Goodrington arm-ring may, then, have been associated with the activities of the Viking Great Army in the 870s, but a later date for its loss cannot be ruled out. he indspot of the Goodrington arm-ring is outside the area normally associated with Viking activity. However, other Scandinavian gold rings are recorded from the south, including one further gold ring of possible early Viking Age date from Devon.42 his is an annular gold inger-ring, found in 1987 at Sandy Cove, to the east of Ladran Bay near Sidmouth. It consists of four plain twisted rods, in two pairs, closed with a plain connecting band.43 Twisted-rod inger rings in silver and in gold were widespread in the Viking Age, their form essentially representing a scaled down version of larger arm- and neck-rings. A gold inger-ring from an unknown context from the Isle of Skye likewise consists of four equally-sized rods.44 Pairs of twisted rods twisted together also constitute a common form of neck-ring.45 Finger-rings made of twisted rods were a long-lived artefact type and occur in both early and late Viking Age hoards.46 he ring from Sidmouth is just as likely to date from the eleventh or twelfth centuries as it is to the late ninth or tenth. he ind places of these two gold rings, on or near beaches on the south coast, is of interest given that other single inds of Scandinavian gold ornaments likewise have an association with water or watery places. his has been observed within 94 Jane Kershaw instance, from Gotland,50 as well as Scandinavian contexts in Britain, including the Cuerdale hoard.51 his later context its with the suggestion by James Graham-Campbell that annular band inger-rings with stamped ornament were an early and shortlived type in Britain, predominantly dating from the late ninth to the early tenth century.52 Figure 6.8. Finger-ring found near Shaftesbury, Dorset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Scandinavia, as well as in Ireland and Scotland.47 Such a pattern may simply relect the frequent use of coastal routes, but it is also possible that ornaments were deposited in watery places for votive or ritual purposes, without the intention of recovery. The possibility remains, however, that objects circulated as bullion prior to their deposition. A further inger-ring, this time in silver, its the deinition given above of proto-hacksilver and thus links more irmly into the Scandinavian metal-weight economy. he ring, found near Shaftesbury, Dorset, comprises a thin strip of metal, bent roughly in half, with one tapering, rounded end and another square end, which may have been cut short (Figure 6.8).48 Evidence for the use of this inger-ring as bullion is provided not just by its bent and possibly cut form, which indicates that it was no longer thought of as jewellery, but also by the presence of two nicks in the area of the fold. he outer surface of the ring is decorated with two longitudinal rows of stamped apex-to-apex triangles on either side of a median incised line. he use of such stamped triangular decoration, either plain, as on the Shaftesbury ring, or, more commonly, illed with pellets, is ubiquitous on Viking Age silver, occurring on numerous inger-, arm- and neck-rings throughout the Scandinavian world.49 Parallels for both the form and decoration of the ring are recorded from Scandinavia, for Foreign coin Foreign silver coin such as Carolingian pennies and Arabic dirhams provided crucial fodder for the Scandinavian metal-weight economy. Within such a system, coins were valued purely for their metal content and were weighed out as bullion, rather than counted by tale. Consequently, they were often tested through bending and ‘pecking’ (the application of small knife cuts or stabs to the lat surface of a coin to test its ineness and/or expose plated or surface-enhanced forgeries), and deliberately fragmented to generate small sums of payment.53 Arabic silver dirhams, imported to Scandinavia via Russia and the Baltic, occur in large numbers in Scandinavian Viking Age hoards: over 170,000 dirhams are recorded from Scandinavia, principally from Gotland. hey are also present in Viking hoards from Britain, including Croydon, Surrey (deposited c.875), Cuerdale, Lancashire (c.905–10) and Goldsborough, Yorkshire (c.925), while a signiicant number of fragmentary dirhams are recorded from the ‘productive’ site of Torksey.54 In England, around sixty-ive dirhams have also been recorded as single inds, mainly, but not exclusively, from within the Danelaw.55 It is evident from the mint date of these coins that dirhams continued to reach England as late as the 930s. Two dirhams are recorded from Wessex. A dirham found in 1964 during excavations in Gar Street, Winchester, was originally published with a mint date of 898, but following a recent reassessment it may now be identiied as an issue of the Samanid ruler Isma’il ibn Ahmad, minted in the east of the Islamic world, at Samarqand, in 905–6.56 Factoring in a travelling time from the East of between ten and ifteen years, its earliest 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England possible loss date is c.915, but a coin of Edward the Elder dated to c.920 was found in an earlier stratigraphic layer than the dirham and thus indicates a later date for the dirham’s loss, perhaps in the mid-to-late 920s or 930s.57 A second dirham from Wessex, a recent metal-detector ind from Monkton Deverill, Wiltshire, was struck in 802 for the Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid, possibly at Raay, Iran.58 It probably circulated for a time in the East before being exported, irst to Scandinavia and then to England. Only half survives, but the dirham is broken, rather than deliberately cut.59 Although neither dirham displays signs of fragmentation, pecking or other forms of testing, there is no reason to doubt the status of these items as Viking bullion. Other dirhams have also been metal-detected from the south and west, providing a context for the Wessex inds.60 he circumstances of the loss of the Wessex dirhams, especially that from Winchester at such a late date, can only be guessed at. Was the Winchester dirham dropped by a traveller from the Danelaw, or by a local merchant with Scandinavian connections? By the late ninth century, Winchester was a signiicant mint.61 It is perhaps more probable that the foreign coin, as illegal tender in Wessex, had been brought to the town for reminting. Carolingian coins also appear in Viking Age hoards from Britain and single inds of similar type may be Viking losses.62 his is certainly true of coins with signs of treatment as bullion, such as a pecked denier of Charles the Bald (struck 843–77) from hetford, Norfolk, and a cut half of a similar coin (struck 864–77), from Kelling, also in Norfolk.63 he status of a handful of Carolingian pennies recorded as single inds from the south, without clear signs of treatment as bullion, is unclear, however.64 Although by law, Carolingian coin ought not to have circulated within the realm of an English king,65 there is growing evidence from the increasing number of single coins found through metal-detecting that Carolingian coins may have played a monetary role in the Anglo- 95 Figure 6.9. Silver ingot from Headbourne Worthy, Hampshire. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Figure 6.10. Silver ingot from Over Compton, Dorset. (Image courtesy of Dorset County Museum) Saxon economy.66 Moreover, as Joanna Story has highlighted, in England Carolingian silver coins (minted 750–900) tend to cluster along the south coast and in the east, regions with long-established trade connections with the Continent. Story thus concludes that, as a group, such coins, including inds from Wessex, are likely to have arrived as a result of direct commercial contact, independently of the Vikings.67 Ingots In the Scandinavian bullion economy cast bar ingots were a convenient means of storing and carrying silver. Although ingots are not conined to the Viking Age, examples from hoards of this date possess a number of distinctive features, which 96 Jane Kershaw Figure 6.11. Inset lead weight from Kingston, Dorset. (© he Trustees of the British Museum) can help to distinguish Viking-period ingots from earlier or later items. Such ingots are frequently cigar-shaped, for instance, with parallel sides, rounded ends and D-shaped, oval or rectangular sections. hey also frequently display signs of hammering on one or more sides, testing ‘nicks’ along the edges and/or prominent grooves resulting from attempts to cut the ingot.68 Two metal-detected silver ingots from Wessex are contenders for Viking Age pieces. Both ingots, from Headbourne Worthy, near Winchester, Hampshire (Figure 6.9), and Over Compton, Dorset (Figure 6.10), are roughly cigar-shaped, with sub-rectangular sections and rounded ends.69 Pitting and other indentations observed on the lower surfaces and sides of both ingots result from casting in open sand moulds, and are typical of Viking Age pieces.70 So too is the hammering on the Over Compton item: a treatment sometimes designed to prepare the surface for cutting and nicking, and at other times to prepare the ingot for fashioning into jewellery.71 Hammering is not, however, conined to Viking Age examples, as ingots from Roman and Migration Period hoards show similar hammer marks.72 When found in silver hoards alongside hacksilver and imported coin, ingots can usually be assumed to have an economic character, but single inds may have possessed other functions, such as providing the raw material for metalworking or minting. he intended function of single inds of ingots can be diicult to determine, particularly for the two ingots discussed here, both of which are complete and neither of which carry test marks indicative of active use as bullion, despite being extensively hammered (in one case). It is nevertheless worth noting that both ingots from Wessex have regular shapes, with parallel sides and rounded ends. Such regular forms are typical of ingots from hack-silver hoards, which can be presumed to have an economic function, but would not have been necessary if the ingot were to be used in metalworking. Indeed, it has been observed that ingots associated with workshop areas on Scandinavian sites sometimes have irregular shapes and cross-sections, although a regular shape does not preclude the use of an ingot in manufacturing.73 he silver content of the two Wessex ingots (86 and 96 per cent) is broadly in line with that observed among ingots in Viking Age hoards from Britain, while there are some grounds for arguing that the weight of the Headbourne Worthy ingot, at 12.9 g, represents an approximate correlation with a half-unit of the Scandinavian öre-weight (ounce) of c.24–26 g.74 It thus seems likely that these items had a bullion function, even if it cannot be proved. Weights Critical to the weighing-out of bullion were balances and weights, and three weights of Viking type are known from Wessex. All three are decorated lead weights with metalwork inset at the top. his is a fairly common Viking type, usually involving Insular metalwork but sometimes incorporating Scandinavian items and even re-used coins.75 he type is typically associated with the weighing out of bullion: examples have been found with handheld balances in Viking Age graves, and at market places and urban sites in presumed commercial contexts.76 Examples are known within Scandinavia from both settlement sites and graves, but they are less common here than in Britain.77 his factor, 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England coupled with the weights’ predominant use of Insular metalwork, strongly suggests that the type originated in an Insular context. Two lead weights found near Kingston, Dorset, are characterised by their use of recycled coin. he irst has a base-silver Lunette posthumous issue of Æthelred I (865–71) pinned to its top (Figure 6.11), while the second (not pictured) carries an impression of the same coin type, issued by Alfred (871–99) of Wessex.78 Although not found together, the weights are likely to have constituted, or formed part of, a set, since both coin types belong to a rare Lunette variety, dated to c.873–4 and probably minted in Mercia.79 he combination of this mint date and place is of interest because the Viking army is known to have overwintered in Mercia in the early 870s, at Repton, Derbyshire, and Torksey, Lincolnshire, prior to entering Wessex. he Kingston weights were found ive miles southeast of Wareham, the location of a Viking winter base in 875–6. As Marion Archibald has suggested ‘the Kingston weights were probably made at one of the Viking bases in north-east Mercia and brought by the raiders to Kingston’.80 Archibald envisages such weights being used together with hand-held balances in small-scale transactions, such as the division of ransom payment between members of the micel here. In this context, it is interesting to note an antiquarian find of a hand-held balance arm with distinctive ring-stamped ornament, from Marlborough, Wiltshire.81 he arm was published as Roman, but its form and decoration is paralleled on Viking-period balances, including an example from Akershus, Norway, and a recent ind from the Anglo-Scandinavian site of Cottam on the Yorkshire Wolds.82 A date in the ninth or tenth century is therefore possible for the piece. Lead weights incorporating Insular, often Irish, metalwork, are the commonest group of Scandinavian decorated lead weight. hey are found in substantial numbers in the Danelaw, and are also on record from the South-West. 97 Figure 6.12. Enamel offcut from Winterbourne Zelston, Dorset. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) A lead weight capped with a diamond-shaped stud of Irish workmanship was found in 2002 in Ilchester, Somerset.83 It carries a geometric design of a central lozenge and two V-shaped ields, all inlaid with yellow enamel. To either side of the central lozenge are three linear recesses; although currently empty, these are likely to have originally contained enamel. Typically for weights of this type, the lead was shaped to it the stud, although subsequently much has been lost, exposing the rectangular rivet with which the stud was attached. he original function of the stud is unclear, but the use of yellow enamel in angular fields is characteristic of Irish metalworking and dates the piece (but not necessarily the weight) to the eighth or ninth century.84 A second enamel ofcut from Wessex, a disc with yellow enamel set in a mock interlocking pattern, comes from Winterborne Zelston, Dorset, and may have also been intended as a weight (Figure 6.12).85 It is similar to several re-used enamelled discs in Scandinavia, but, in this case, no lead survives.86 he precise function of metalwork insets in lead weights is unclear.87 One possibility is that they served to personalise weights, allowing the owner to easily recognise their set in a trading environment where multiple sets of weights were in use; the advantage being that the owner trusted his or her own set, and could thus guard against fraud in a transaction. he discovery of multiple weights in graves, for instance, in the Scandinavian 98 Jane Kershaw Figure 6.13. Carolingian sword belt mount from Wareham, Dorset. (© he Trustees of the British Museum) boat-burial from Kiloran Bay, Colonsay, supports the idea of individual ownership of weight sets.88 It may seem odd that bullion weights could incorporate metal fragments of varying size and weight whilst maintaining a weight standard, but in most cases the metal fragments will have contributed only slightly to the overall mass of the weight. Moreover, since the lead was usually shaped to it the mount, it is clear that weights were fashioned with speciic metalwork pieces in mind. Analysis of several decorated lead weights – from both Britain and Scandinavia – indicates a broad correlation with fractions and multiples of a Scandinavian öre weight between 24 and 26.6 g.89 he same may be proposed for the weights from Kingston (the Ilchester weight has lost much of its lead so is not suitable for analysis). Weighing 99.97 g and 71.44 g, these may have had target weights of 100 g and 75 g, suggesting the use of multiples of a Scandinavian öre weight of c.25 g.90 Insular and Continental Metalwork he Insular metalwork discussed above in the context of the decorated weights introduces the third and inal category of metalwork for discussion: single items of Insular and Continental metalwork, which are likely to have circulated in Wessex as Viking loot. Insular and Continental metalwork forms a relatively common component of Scandinavian precious-metal hoards and grave inds, in which it often appears in a reworked state as female brooches.91 he items’ status as loot cannot be proven – some items may have been acquired through tribute, for instance, or legitimate trade. Nevertheless, the date and function of the metalwork, together with its pattern of re-use, points to it having been obtained during Viking raids on the west coast of Scotland, Ireland and the Continent in the eighth and ninth centuries. The circulation of Continental and Insular metalwork in England is attested by a growing corpus of harness, belt and baldric ittings, some found in Scandinavian contexts and others as context-less single finds.92 For Carolingian metalwork, the distribution is concentrated in the Danelaw,93 but there is one item from Wessex: a square silver-gilt sword-belt mount with lorid acanthus decoration, found near Wareham, Dorset (Figure 6.13).94 he mount has a raised outer frame and sunken inner border of moulded acanthus plumes. his surrounds a central domed square decorated with a saltire cross with expanding arms; the ields generated by the cross are decorated with acanthus tufts, while in the centre is a framed quatrefoil. The square shape of the mount is unusual in the context of Carolingian sword belt ittings, other mounts usually being rectangular in form, but the saltire cross, sunken ield of acanthus and isolated acanthus tufts are all characteristic of opulent Carolingian metalwork of the mid-to-late ninth century.95 he Wareham mount would have originally been attached to a sword belt or cingulum militae, a key component of the Carolingian ‘military look’, to adopt Egon Wamers’ terminology, which documentary and pictorial evidence suggests was an important marker of elite status in the Carolingian world.96 Military regalia were a prime target of Viking raiding, as attested by the presence of comparable sword- and belt-mounts and harness fittings in Scandinavian precious-metal hoard and grave inds.97 he Wareham mount shows 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England no physical signs of reworking, but it has been separated from its set, suggesting second-hand use. he mount may have arrived in England independently of the Vikings, but, given its ind location, it is perhaps more likely that its loss was connected with the Viking army’s overwintering at Wareham in 875–6. In Wessex, single inds of Irish metalwork are more plentiful. A copper-alloy suspension mount designed for attachment to an Irish hanging-bowl was found in Urchfont, Wiltshire, in 2007.98 It carries two opposed stylised bearded heads and has a stepped cavity on the reverse to accommodate a suspension cord.99 he Wiltshire mount relates to a series of anthropomorphic hanging-bowl hook mounts known from Norwegian Viking Age graves, including a famous example from the early ninth-century grave from Myklebostad, Sogne og Fjordane, suggesting a date of production for the Wiltshire ind in the late eighth or ninth century.100 A copper-alloy mount, found in 2011 in Ashburton, Devon, is one of three bridle mounts of Irish manufacture from Wessex (Figure 6.14).101 he mount is cruciform-shaped with two incomplete upper projections of unequal length, two truncated (cut) side arms, and a third, complete lower knop. No exact parallels for this form are known, but comparisons with complete mounts of related type indicate that the two uppermost projections would have originally formed a semi-circular recess, enabling the mount to interlock with other, semi-circular shaped terminals.102 he arms of the Ashburton mount are illed with chip-carved interlace while in the centre is a triskele motif. hese are characteristic features of mounts of this general type and date the Ashburton piece stylistically to the eighth and early ninth centuries.103 Two further cruciform-shaped mounts of the same general type are known: one from Shilvinghampton, near Weymouth, Dorset, and another of uncertain, but possibly local, provenance in the collection of Broad Hinton School, Wiltshire. Both have been previously published elsewhere.104 99 Figure 6.14. Bridle mount from Ashburton, Devon. (Image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme) Mounts such as these were originally worn in sets to cover the strap-unions of horse bridles, and are found in association with equestrian ittings and horse skeletal remains in Viking burials in both Ireland and Norway.105 Individual examples are also known from Viking Age contexts in Britain and Scandinavia, and as single finds without archaeological contexts.106 Notably, while these individual items were manufactured as bridle mounts, many show signs of re-use as brooches or other objects.107 his is the case with one of the previously published Wessex pieces, from the Broad Hinton School collection: its four integral lugs have been iled down and it has two, additional rivet holes. Other items, including the Ashburton mount, occupy an intermediary stage, having been separated from their set but not yet adapted for alternative use. Although not made of precious metal, these mounts are highly decorative and were evidently much prized by Scandinavians. he reason for their popularity is a matter of speculation. As probable items of loot, they may have made symbolic reference to Scandinavian expansion in the West, serving to associate their owners with the prestige, wealth and alliances entailed in Insular and Continental connections. he owners of such 100 Jane Kershaw items need not have been directly involved in raiding, however. he widespread distribution of inds, in both Britain and Scandinavia, suggests that comparable material was widely available, signalling an intensive second-hand trade in looted material in the wake of Viking raids.108 his is supported by the discovery of such material at prominent Scandinavian market sites, including Kaupang, Norway, and Birka, Sweden, as well as by the fragmentary metalwork and ofcuts, including enamels and bridle mounts, found along with Scandinavian-type silver in the River Blackwater at Shanmullagh, Ireland.109 his latter assemblage, possibly the spoil of a raid on the nearby Armagh monastery in 895, has been interpreted as the ‘stock-in-trade of a Hiberno-Viking metal-worker’. It may have been en route to a market place in Scandinavia or the Danelaw when the owner ‘met with a misadventure on the river’.110 Discussion his survey has demonstrated that Scandinavian cultural artefacts are not conined to areas of documented Scandinavian settlement in England, but can be found deep in the heart of ‘English’ England. While the finds are not sufficiently numerous to suggest local Scandinavian settlement, they nevertheless demonstrate connections with material from both Scandinavia and the Danelaw. What, then, is the likely historical context of the metalwork? Assuming that the metalwork was not produced locally, can we identify the mechanisms by which it was brought to Wessex or the circumstances of its loss or deposition? In order to contextualise the artefacts it is irst necessary to consider both when and where they were deposited. In practice, however, the close dating of the metalwork is rarely possible. Just one item, the Arabic dirham from Winchester, minted in 905/6, comes from a stratiied archaeological context indicating a date of deposition some time after c.920. Clearly, this dirham reached Wessex well after the main period of Viking activity in the 870s. Otherwise, the artefacts are only broadly datable on stylistic grounds to the late ninth or tenth century, and some of the precious-metal rings may well date to a later period. However, although it cannot be proved, there are both typological and historical grounds for linking the loss of the two Kingston weights, and arguably the Carolingian mount, to the presence of the Viking army at Wareham in 875/6. In addition, it seems likely that artefacts identiied as carrying debased Scandinavian designs, such as the strap-end from St Leonards and St Ives, Dorset, are tenth-, rather than ninth-century, products (assuming that debasement took place only after Scandinavian styles took root in England). Based on its band-ring form, the inger-ring found near Shaftesbury is more closely dateable to the late ninth or early tenth century. Yet, as with other artefacts, the length of time for which it remained in use – its ‘lifespan’ – is unknown. Certainly, signs of re-use observed on the trefoil brooch from Longbridge Deverill serve as a reminder that some artefacts may have circulated for an extended period of time in Wessex, beyond their period of currency in the Scandinavian homelands. Such extended ‘lifespans’, involving the secondary reuse of an object, have also been identiied among Scandinavian jewellery inds in the Danelaw.111 In sum, the metalwork appears to span a broad period, stretching from the late ninth to the third decade of the tenth century, and perhaps beyond. Figure 6.15 reveals the distribution of Scandinavian-type metalwork from Wessex. As with any map generated by small inds of metalwork, it must be handled with care. Items such as brooches and ingots are highly portable, and could thus have travelled some distance from their original place of use. Moreover, the total tally of such items is small, meaning that future discoveries have the potential to alter the existing map significantly. The prominence of metal detector inds among the material also introduces distributional biases. One means of controlling for such biases is to compare the distribution 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England 101 Figure 6.15. Distribution of Scandinavian-type metalwork in Wessex. (© Jane Kershaw) of Scandinavian-type metalwork against known constraints on metal detecting (Figure 6.16). The background spread of all early medieval metalwork recorded by the Portable Antiquities Scheme also acts as a control on the current distribution (Figure 6.16). Viking-related metalwork from the south is currently focused in Dorset, Hampshire and southern Wiltshire and Somerset (Figure 6.15). he mount from Ashburton, Devon, is the most westerly ind, with no artefacts currently known from Cornwall or Berkshire, although an old ind of a sword with Scandinavian ornament, found in a burial in Reading, has been noted above.112 The absence of new material from Berkshire is unexpected. This region was the focus of Scandinavian military activity in 870/1, and has produced large numbers of other types of early medieval ind (Figure. 6.16). On the other hand, the scarcity of more westerly inds, in Cornwall, is mirrored on the early medieval control map (Figure 6.16). his would seem to suggest genuine limits to the extent of contemporary settlement. Viking Age metalwork is also absent along the north Devon and Somerset coasts, bordering the Bristol Channel, an absence not observed on the 102 Jane Kershaw Figure 6.16. All early medieval metalwork from the south-west recorded by the PAS, shown against modern constraints on metal-detecting (urban centres and high land greater than 300 m above sea level). Area outside Wessex = dark grey. (© Jane Kershaw) control map. Given written evidence for occasional Viking raiding and inland incursions along this stretch of coastline in the irst half of the ninth and early tenth century, this pattern is surprising. However, the Somerset inds from Mudford and Ilchester are located near the River Yeo, a tributary of the River Parrett, which leads out to the Bristol Channel. Channels of import via this route may, then, be better attested than a cursory glance at the map suggests. Looking further south, the south coasts of Devon and Dorset are comparatively well represented by the Scandinavian-style material, mainly by inds of recycled Irish metalwork and Scandinavian arm-rings. As noted above, the association of the rings with the south coast may point to their ritual deposition in ‘watery places’, but it is equally possible that they were lost during one of the many Viking seaborne raids on Wessex. Signiicantly, the metalwork under discussion does not appear to show a relationship to the documented military bases of the 870s: Reading, Wareham, Exeter and Chippenham, although the inds do concentrate in a middle zone between the camps in which the Viking army can be expected to have travelled and raided. he exception to this pattern is a cluster of inds around Wareham, comprising the two weights from Kingston, the Carolingian mount, and the Irish ofcut from Winterborne Zelston. A connection between these artefacts and Wareham can be neither proved nor disproved. It is nevertheless worth noting that detector inds from ninth-century Viking camps in the north of England, namely Torksey, Lincolnshire, and a site known in modern literature only as ‘A Riverine Site near York’ (ARSNY), indicate that such sites could fulil a range of 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England defensive, commercial and craft functions, and could be extremely large in size.113 Signiicantly, all the items clustered around Wareham fall within the artefact range represented at these other, ninth-century Viking bases, strengthening the likelihood that this small group of inds is indeed connected to Wareham. One inal observation is the close proximity of the Arabic dirham from Monkton Deverill and the trefoil brooch from Longbridge Deverill, Wiltshire. Monkton and Longbridge Deverill were situated along an ancient routeway, leading from Poole Harbour northwards towards Chippenham, where the Vikings camped immediately prior to the Battle of Edington in 878. he items were found just over half a mile apart, and may be connected with a single event. he broad patterns to emerge from the dating and distribution evidence suggest the need for a nuanced view of the Viking presence in Wessex, spread over an extended period. Particularly perplexing is the evidence for bullion. The northern Viking camps of Torksey and ARSNY have yielded similar inds of ingots, weights and Arabic dirhams, indicating the practice of a metalweight economy by Scandinavian war-bands in the 870s. hey point to this decade as the likely period of use for the bullion-related material from Wessex. And yet, the dirham from Winchester is securely dated to a later period, while the dating of many of the other bullion artefacts remains imprecise. Since bullion is a footprint of Viking trading activity, its presence in tenth-century Wessex provokes questions about the economic relationship between the Scandinavian and AngloSaxon populations: did local inhabitants in Wessex have an established trading relationship with Scandinavian communities, either in the Danelaw, or abroad? Could they have adopted bullion as a means of exchange, despite their traditions of coin use? Such questions are diicult to answer on the basis of current evidence, but demonstrate the importance of small inds for creating a fresh perspective on Wessex’s First Viking Age. 103 Conclusion hanks to the recovery and reporting of large numbers of metal detector inds, there is now a signiicant and accessible body of Viking Age metalwork from Wessex. It is hoped that this chapter has enhanced understanding of the corpus as it currently stands. The metalwork shows connections with material from the Scandinavian homelands as well as the Danelaw. It indicates that an area of England usually considered immune from Scandinavian influence was, in fact, in receipt of a wide spectrum of Scandinavian cultural artefacts, ranging from belt ittings to silver ingots. he interpretation of the material is complicated by a lack of contextual evidence relating to its use and deposition, as well as its heterogeneous nature. Arguably, the inds are not suiciently numerous to be used as an indicator of Scandinavian settlement; a suggestion supported by the fact that just one female brooch has been recorded in Wessex, compared to hundreds from the Danelaw. A case may be made for the association of select items with the itinerary of the Great Army in the 870s; indeed, in light of new information about Viking bases in northern England, the artefact imprint of the camps in the south could be usefully explored in future research. he important inding to emerge from this chapter is that Scandinavian cultural artefacts spread into Wessex, in a way that is not yet clearly consistent with the historical record. Notes 1. P. Sawyer, ‘The Two Viking Ages of Britain’, Mediaeval Scandinavia 2 (1969), pp. 163–76 and 203–207, at p. 163. 2. R. Abels, Alfred the Great: War, Kingship and Culture in Anglo-Saxon England (London, 1998), pp. 194–207. See further discussion in J. Baker and S. Brookes, ‘Landscapes of Violence in Early Medieval Wessex: Towards a Reassessment of Anglo-Saxon Strategic Landscapes’, above, pp. 72–86. 3. In 1995, Barbara Yorke stated that ‘direct evidence for the Viking presence in ninth-century Wessex is slight’: Wessex in the Early Middle Ages (London, 1995), p. 113. he existing data comprises a small 104 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Jane Kershaw group of ‘pagan Scandinavian’ burials from Reading, Berkshire, one of which contains a sword with Scandinavian ornament, and a coin-hoard deposit, also from Reading, which may or may not be linked with the activities of the Great Army there in 870/1 (N. Brooks and J. Graham-Campbell, ‘Relections on the Viking-Age Silver Hoard from Croydon, Surrey’, in N. Brooks, Communities and Warfare, 700–1400 (London, 2000), pp. 69–92, at p. 89; K. East, ‘A Lead Model and a Rediscovered Sword, both with Gripping Beast Decoration’, Medieval Archaeology 30 (1986), pp. 1–7, at pp. 2–6, ig. 2, pl. ii). In addition, a stone cross from Cardinham, Cornwall, carries an Insular version of the Scandinavian ring-chain motif, otherwise found principally in the Isle of Man and north-west England, including on the famous Gosforth cross, Cumbria (P. M. C. Kermode, Manx Crosses: or, he Inscribed and Sculptured Monuments of the Isle of Man from about the End of the Fifth to the Beginning of the hirteenth century (London, 1907), ig. 28, no. 6). Other attempts to identify direct ninth- or tenth-century Scandinavian inluence in local stone sculpture have been rejected by modern scholarship. For a full account, see Yorke, Wessex, pp. 107–12; see also D. Gore, ‘A Review of Viking Attacks in Western England to the Early Tenth Century: heir Motives and Responses’; above, pp. 56–69. he regulation of trade between English and Danishsettled territories is speciically mentioned in a peace treaty drawn up between King Alfred and the Viking leader Guthrum in the 880s (P. Kershaw, ‘he Alfred-Guthrum Treaty: Scripting Accommodation and Interaction in Viking-Age England’, in Cultures in Contact: Scandinavian Settlement in England in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, ed. D. M. Hadley and J. D. Richards (Turnhout, 2000), pp. 43–64, at p. 54). his regulation involved the exchange of hostages as ‘peace pledges’ – further potential conduits of metalwork into Wessex. I am grateful to Barbara Yorke for this suggestion. J. F. Kershaw, ‘Culture and Gender in the Danelaw: Scandinavian and Anglo-Scandinavian Brooches’, Viking and Medieval Scandinavia 5 (2009), pp. 295–325; Viking Identities: Scandinavian Jewellery in England (Oxford, 2013). PAS Find-ID WILT-9A5AE7. It has been proposed that a bronze sheet fragment from a burial on Lundy Island in the Bristol Channel represents the remains of a Scandinavian oval brooch, but the size and shape of the fragment does not support this attribution (K. S. Gardner and M. Ternstrom, ‘he Giants 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Graves: A Nineteenth-Century Discovery of Human Remains on the Island of Lundy’, he Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature and the Arts Report and Transactions 129 (1997), pp. 51–77, ig. 6). Kershaw, ‘Culture and Gender in the Danelaw’, pp. 300–301; Viking Identities, pp. 24–5. B. Maixner, Die Gegossenen Kleeblattförmigen Fibeln der Wikingerzeit aus Skandinavien (Bonn, 2005), cat. nos 400–2, pls 12, Z 1.2 and 49.6–8, map 26. Maixner, Die Gegossenen Kleeblattförmigen Fibeln der Wikingerzeit, cat. no. 75. Kershaw, Viking Identities, Table 3.6. PAS Find-ID BERK-CD5492. Two Hiberno-Norse ringed pins are on record from the south, from Wooton Creek, Isle of Wight, and Week St Mary, Cornwall. However, both types are irmly dated to the late tenth to eleventh centuries, and thus belong to the Second Viking Age. T. Fanning, Viking Age Ringed Pins from Dublin (Dublin, 1994), pp. 41 and 46. PAS Find-ID HAMP-767FD8. E. Wamers, ‘Continental and Insular Metalwork’, in hings from the Town: Artefacts and Inhabitants in Viking-Age Kaupang, ed. D. Skre, Kaupang Excavation Project Publication Series 3 (Oslo, 2011), pp. 65–97 and 72–73. A. R. Goodall and C. Paterson, ‘Non-ferrous Metal Objects’ in he South Manor Area, Wharram: A Study of Settlement on the Yorkshire Wolds 8, ed. P. A. Stamper and R. A. Croft (York, 2000), pp. 126–31, at p. 131; see, for instance, J. Brøndsted, ‘Danish Inhumation Graves of the Viking Age’, Acta Archaeologica 7 (1936), pp. 81–228, at p. 179, ig. 87, b; D. M. Wilson and O. Klindt-Jensen, Viking Art (London, 1966), pl. XXIX; J. GrahamCampbell, Viking Artefacts, British Museum Publications (London, 1980), no. 189. E. Wamers, ‘Eine Zungenibel aus dem Hafen von Haithabu’, in Das archäologische Fundmaterial IV, ed. H. Drescher, G. Grenader-Nyberg, H. J. Hundt, G. H. Lawson and E. Wamers, Berichte über die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 19 (Neumünster, 1984), pp. 63–127, ig. 11, 1. Brøndsted, ‘Danish Inhumation Graves of the Viking Age’, p. 179, ig. 87; Goodall and Paterson, ‘Non-ferrous Metal Objects’, pp. 128–29, no. 23, pl. 11. Goodall and Paterson, ‘Non-ferrous Metal Objects’, p. 128. A notable exception is the pair of silver strap-ends ‘without parallel in England’, though of probable Carolingian origin, from the Trewhiddle 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. hoard, Cornwall: D. M. Wilson, Anglo-Saxon Ornamental Metalwork, 700–1100, in the British Museum (London, 1964), p. 98. Goodall and Paterson, ‘Non-ferrous Metal Objects’, pp. 128–31, no. 22, pl. 11. PAS Find-ID SOM-9ABAE0. Cf. D. Hinton, ‘Relief-decorated Strap-ends’, in Object and Economy in Medieval Winchester, ed. M. Biddle, Winchester Studies 7.2 (Oxford, 2 parts, 1990), Part 1, pp. 494–500, at p. 498, no. 1057. G. homas, Late Anglo-Saxon and Viking Age StrapEnds 750–1100, Part II, he Finds Research Group 700–1700 Datasheet 32 (2004). Wamers, ‘Eine Zungenibel aus dem Hafen von Haithabu’, ig. 14.1, see also igs 11.2, 12 and 13.1. Goodall and Paterson, ‘Non-ferrous Metal Objects’, pp. 129–30. PAS Find-ID HAMP-2D60A0. PAS Find-ID NLM-66E451. Wilson and Klindt-Jensen, Viking Art, Pl. 27, d, i. C. Paterson, ‘Viking Strap-Ends with a Diference’, he Quarterly, Norfolk Archaeological and Historical Research Group, no. 37 (2000), pp. 3–7, at p. 6. Paterson ‘Viking Strap-Ends with a Diference’. Wamers, ‘Eine Zungenibel aus dem Hafen von Haithabu’, pp. 81–82, at p. 119, ig. 11, 1. homas, Late Anglo-Saxon and Viking Age Strap-Ends 750–1100, Part II, p. 2; Paterson, ‘Viking StrapEnds with a Diference’. Paterson, ‘Viking Strap-Ends with a Diference’, p. 4. It is important to note that the Anglo-Saxons also wore precious metal finger- and arm-rings. In contemporary wills, arm-rings are sometimes valued by weight; they are also mentioned as a form of payment in several ninth-century charters, raising the possibility that they too had a function as units of bullion, in addition to ornament (D. Hinton, ‘Late Saxon Treasure and Bullion’, in Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. D. Hill, BAR British Ser. 59 (Oxford, 1978), pp. 135–53; A. Williams, he World before Domesday. he English Aristocracy, 900–1066 (London, 2008), pp. 113–16). However, such rings (which are typologically distinct from Scandinavian forms) were not fragmented to provide payment. Nor were they tested for their metal content or made to standardized weights to facilitate their use as currency: their potential role as bullion can thus be considered distinct from that of Scandinavian objects. G. Williams, ‘Hoards from the Northern Danelaw from Cuerdale to the Vale of York’, in he Huxley 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 105 Hoard: Scandinavian Settlement in the North West, ed. J. Graham-Campbell and R. Philpott (Liverpool, 2009), pp. 73–83, at p. 76. Two plaited gold inger-rings are also known from the South-West, from Soberton and Wonston, Hampshire. However, plaited rings are more commonly dated to the eleventh century and the objects thus fall outside the scope of this chapter (J. Graham-Campbell, he Cuerdale Hoard and Related Viking-Age Silver and Gold from Britain and Ireland in the British Museum (London, 2011), cat. no. 7:1; PAS Find-ID SUR-2953A2). In addition, there is a silver twisted-rod arm-ring with spade-shaped terminals, from Christchurch, Hampshire: D. Allen, ‘A Twist in the Tale’, Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society Section Newsletters 16 (1991), p. 16, with drawing. his arm-ring was published as Scandinavian, but the terminals are not paralleled among Scandinavian inds, and an Anglo-Saxon origin cannot be ruled out (cf. the Anglo-Saxon silver arm-ring with a ball-shaped terminal from Long Wittenham, Oxfordshire, Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, p. 101; D. Hinton, he Alfred Jewel and other Late Anglo-Saxon Decorated Metalwork (Oxford, 2008), pp. 49–50). I am grateful to James Graham-Campbell for this suggestion. Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, cat. no. 19, pl. 79, no. 19. Note, however, the Anglo-Saxon origins of a silver arm-ring from Long Wittenham, Oxfordshire. Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, pp. 100–102 (quotation at p. 101). Graham-Campbell, Viking Artefacts, no. 223; Viking and Medieval Dublin. Catalogue of an Exhibition of National Museum Excavations, 1962–73 (Dublin, 1973), p. 24, pl. 17; Treasure Annual Report 2004 (London, 2007), no. 76. Graham-Campbell, J. 2006, ‘he Rings’, in he Hoen Hoard: a Viking Gold Treasure of the Ninth Century, ed. S. H. Fuglesang and D. M. Wilson, Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 14 (Rome/Oslo, 2006), pp. 73–81, at pp. 75–76. H. Shetelig (ed.), Viking Antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland, Part 4 (Oslo, 1940), p. 29. James Graham-Campbell, pers. comm. J. Graham-Campbell, he Viking-Age Gold and Silver of Scotland (AD 850–1100) (Edinburgh, 1995), p. 159, S13, Pl. 73, f. B. Hårdh, Silver in the Viking Age. A RegionalEconomic Study, Acta Archaeologica Lundensia, Series in 8º, no. 25 (Stockholm, 1996), pp. 55–56, table 7, ig. 14, III. 106 Jane Kershaw 46. J. Graham-Campbell, ‘he Gold Finger-Ring from a Burial in St. Aldate’s Street, Oxford’, Oxoniensia 53 (1988), pp. 263–66, at p. 264. 47. Hårdh, Silver in the Viking Age. A Regional-Economic Study, p. 134; J. Graham-Campbell and J. Sheehan, ‘Viking-Age Gold and Silver from Irish Crannogs and other Watery Places’, Journal of Irish Archaeology 18 (2009), pp. 77–93; Graham-Campbell, VikingAge Gold and Silver of Scotland, p. 164, S24, pl. 72, c–d. 48. B. Ager, ‘Potential Find of Treasure: Fragment of Viking Silver Finger-ring from the Shaftesbury Area, Dorset’ (unpublished report for HM Coroner, 2010); cf. M. Stenberger, Die Schatzfunde Gotlands der Wikingerzeit, Vol. 1 (Stockholm, 1947), ig. 38, no. 6. 49. Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, p. 146; VikingAge Gold and Silver of Scotland, p. 58, ig. 28, nos 28–30 and 36–38. 50. Stenberger, Die Schatzfunde Gotlands der Wikingerzeit, Vol. 1, igs 38, no. 6; 39, no. 2; and 87. 51. Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, pl. 44, 1:985. 52. Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, p. 106. 53. M. M. Archibald, ‘Testing’, in Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, pp. 51–64. 54. M. A. S. Blackburn, ‘he Viking Winter Camp at Torksey, 872–3’, in M. A. S. Blackburn, Viking Coinage and Currency in the British Isles, British Numismatic Society, Special Publication 7 (London, 2011), pp. 221–54, at pp. 229–30, Appendix 2. 55. R. Naismith, ‘Islamic Coins from Early Medieval England’, Numismatic Chronicle 165 (2005), pp. 193–222; H. M. Brown and R. Naismith, ‘Kuic Coin’, in The Winchester Mint: and Coins and Related Finds from the Excavations of 1961–71, ed. M. Biddle, Winchester Studies 8 (Oxford, 2012), pp. 695–98, note 3. 56. M. Biddle, ‘Excavations at Winchester 1964. hird Interim Report’, Antiquaries Journal 45 (1965), pp. 230–64, at p. 242; Brown and Naismith, ‘Kuic Coin’. 57. Biddle, ‘Excavations at Winchester 1964’, p. 242; G. Williams, ‘he Cuerdale Coins’, in GrahamCampbell, Cuerdale Hoard, pp. 39–71, at p. 66. 58. Coin Register 2000, he British Numismatic Society Journal 71 (2001), pp. 154–68, no. 90. 59. A third dirham from the South-West, Cerne Abbas, Dorset, is included in a map of dirhams and Viking weights from England in a recent article by Julian Richards and John Naylor: ‘he Metal Detector and the Viking Age in England’, in he Viking Age: 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. Ireland and the West. Proceedings of the 15th Viking Congress, ed. D. O’Corrain and J. Sheehan (Cork, 2010), pp. 338–52, ig. 32.3. However, this coin was struck in Al-Andalus in 999/1000 and is thus not associated with the First Viking Age (R. H. M. Dolley, ‘A Spanish Dirham found in England’, Numismatic Chronicle 17 (1957), pp. 242–44). See, for instance, the deliberately cut dirhams from Claverley, Shropshire, and Tetsworth, Oxfordshire, PAS Find-ID HESH-18E881 and WILT-1110F3. S. Lyon, ‘Minting in Winchester: An Introduction and Statistical Analysis’, in he Winchester Mint, ed. Biddle, pp. 3–55, at p. 3. M. A. S. Blackburn, ‘Expansion and Control: Aspects of Anglo-Scandinavian Minting South of the Humber’, in Vikings and the Danelaw: Selected Papers from the Proceedings of the hirteenth Viking Congress, Nottingham and York, 21–30 August 1997, ed. J. Graham-Campbell, R. Hall, J. Jesch and D. N. Parsons (Oxford, 2001), pp. 125–42, at p. 134. EMC 1984.0022; 1997.0104. For a map of coins, see J. Story, Carolingian Connections: Anglo-Saxon England and Carolingian Francia, c.750–870 (Aldershot, 2003), map 3. R. H. M. Dolley and K. F. Morrison ‘Finds of Carolingian Coins from Great Britain and Ireland’, British Numismatic Journal 32 (1963), pp. 75–87. Story, Carolingian Connections, pp. 243–55. Story, Carolingian Connections, pp. 254–55. Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, Pls. 3–17; S. E. Kruse, ‘Ingots and Weight Units in Viking Age Silver Hoards’, World Archaeology 20 (2) (1988), pp. 285–301; M. Redknap, ‘Silver and Commerce in Viking-Age North Wales’, in he Huxley Hoard, ed. Graham-Campbell and Philpott, pp. 29–41, ig. 4.5; Blackburn, ‘Viking Winter Camp at Torksey’, ig. 4. PAS Find-ID HAMP-6D69F2; Treasure Annual Report 2000 (London, 2002), no. 68. S. E. Kruse, R. D. Smith and K. Starling, ‘Experimental Casting of Silver Ingots’, Historical Metallurgy 22(2) (1988), pp. 87–92, at p. 90. Graham-Campbell, Cuerdale Hoard, p. 80. M. A. S. Blackburn and A. Rogerson, ‘Two Viking-Age Silver Ingots from Ditchingham and Hindringham, Norfolk: the First East Anglian Ingot Finds’, Medieval Archaeology 37 (1993), pp. 222–24, at p. 223. B. Hårdh, ‘Viking-Age Silver from Hoards and Cultural Layers’, in Silver Economies, Monetisation and Society in Scandinavia, ed. J. Graham-Campbell, 6. Scandinavian-style Metalwork from Southern England 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. S. M. Sindbæk and G. Williams (Aarhus, 2011), pp. 281–96, at pp. 284–85, ig. 14.4. S. E. Kruse and J. Tate ‘XRF Analysis of Viking Age Silver Ingots’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 122 (1992), pp. 295–328, tables 1–2. S. E. Kruse, ‘Late Saxon Balances and Weights from England’, Medieval Archaeology 36 (1992), pp. 67–95, at pp. 81–82. Graham-Campbell, Viking Artefacts, no. 307; Redknap, ‘Silver and Commerce in Viking-Age North Wales’, p. 38; Blackburn, ‘Viking Winter Camp at Torksey’, p. 240. U. Pedersen, ‘Weights and Balances’, in Means of Exchange: Dealing with Silver in the Viking Age, ed. D. Skre, Kaupang Excavation Project Publication Ser. 2 (Aarhus, 2007), pp. 119–95, at pp. 170–74; V. Hilberg, ‘Silver Economies of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries AD in Hedeby’, in Silver Economies, Monetisation and Society in Scandinavia, ed. Graham-Campbell et al., pp. 203–25, Table 10.3; E. Wamers, Insulärer Metallschmuck in Wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern Nordeuropas: Untersuchungen zur Skandinavischen Westexpansion (Neumünster, 1985), pp. 17–27. M. M. Archibald, ‘Two Ninth-Century Viking Weights found near Kingston, Dorset’, British Numismatic Journal 68 (1998), pp. 11–20; G. Williams, ‘Anglo-Saxon and Viking Coin Weights’, British Numismatic Journal 69 (1999), pp. 19–36, nos. 19–20. Archibald, ‘Two Ninth-Century Viking Weights’, p. 13; Williams, ‘Anglo-Saxon and Viking Coin Weights’, p. 29. A coin of Coenwulf of Mercia (796–821), found near Cirencester, may have also served as decoration for a weight. It has a central piercing, in the manner of one of the Kingston weight coins, and may have been fastened to a lead mass with a similar, central pin. However, since no lead survives, its function cannot be proved (Williams, ‘Anglo-Saxon and Viking Coin Weights’, no. 18). Archibald, ‘Two Ninth-Century Viking Weights’, p. 17. For the Wareham encampment, see Gore, ‘Review of Viking Attacks in Western England’, above, p. 60. A. D. Passmore, ‘Notes on Roman Finds in North Wilts.’, Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine 41 (1920), pp. 391–92. Kruse, ‘Late Saxon Balances and Weights from England’, p. 74; E. Jondell, ‘Vikingatidens balansvågar i Norge’ (unpublished dissertation, Institute of North-European Archaeology, Uppsala 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 107 University, 1974), p. 39, no. 5; D. Haldenby and J. Kershaw, ‘Viking-Age Lead Weights from Cottam’, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 86 (2014), pp. 106–23, at p. 118, ig. 6. PAS Find-ID SOMDOR-9FE618. S. Youngs, ‘Enamelling in Early Medieval Ireland’, Irish Arts Review 1 (1997), pp. 43–51, at p. 50. PAS Find-ID SOMDOR1026 Cf. Wamers, Insulärer Metallschmuck in Wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern Nordeuropas, Pl. 27, nos 9–10. For a discussion, see Williams, ‘Anglo-Saxon and Viking Coin Weights’, pp. 34–36. J. Graham-Campbell and C. E. Batey, Vikings in Scotland: An Archaeological Survey (Edinburgh, 1988), pp. 119–20, ig. 7.4. Blackburn, ‘Viking Winter Camp at Torksey’, p. 240; Redknap, ‘Silver and Commerce in VikingAge North Wales’, p. 38; Pedersen, ‘Weights and Balances’, p. 173; Williams, ‘Anglo-Saxon and Viking Coin Weights’, pp. 33–34. Archibald, ‘Two Ninth-Century Viking Weights’, pp. 17–19. Wamers, Insulärer Metallschmuck in Wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern Nordeuropas; ‘Finds in Viking-Age Scandinavia and the State Formation of Norway’, in Ireland and Scandinavia in the Early Viking Age, ed. H. B. Clarke, M. Ní Mhaonaigh and R. Ó Floinn (Dublin, 1998), pp. 37–72. S. Youngs, ‘“From Ireland Coming”: Fine Irish Metalwork from the Medway, Kent, England’, in From Ireland Coming: Irish Art from the Early Christian to the Late Gothic period and its European Context, ed. C. Hourinhane (Princeton, NJ, 2001), pp. 249–60; G. homas, ‘Carolingian Culture in the North Sea World: Rethinking the Cultural Dynamics of Personal Adornment in Viking-Age England’, European Journal of Archaeology 15 (3) (2012), pp. 486–518. homas, ‘Carolingian Culture in the North Sea World’, ig. 1. L. E. Webster and J. Backhouse, he Making of England: Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture AD 600–900 (London, 1991), p. 280, cat. no. 256. Cf. E. Wamers, ‘Die Zusammensetzung des Schatzes’, in Die Macht des Silbers: Karolingische Schätze im Norden: Katalog zur Ausstellung im Archäologischen Museum Frankfurt und im DomMuseum Hildesheim in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Dänischen Nationalmuseum Kopenhagen, ed. E. Wamers and M. Brandt (Regensburg: 2005), pp. 129–141, at pp. 133–4, cat. nos 36c–d. E. Wamers, ‘“Military Look” – eine neue 108 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. Jane Kershaw Damenmode im Norden’, in Die Macht des Silbers, ed. Wamers and Brandt, pp. 173–77; R. Le Jan, ‘Frankish Giving of Arms and Rituals of Power: Continuity and Change in the Carolingian Period’, in Rituals of Power from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, ed. F. heuws and J. L. Nelson (Leiden, 2000), pp. 281–309, at pp. 286–87. Wamers, Insulärer Metallschmuck in Wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern Nordeuropas, pp. 75–79, pls 39–46. PAS Find-ID WILT-1E76E1. S. Youngs, ‘“Little Men” and the Missing Link: Irish Anthropomorphic Vessel Mounts’, in Early Medieval Art and Archaeology in the Northern World. Studies in Honour of James Graham-Campbell, ed. A. Reynolds and L. Webster (Leiden, 2013), pp. 789–808, at p. 799, ig. 4. S. Youngs, ‘he Work of Angels’: Masterpieces of Celtic Metalwork: Sixth-Ninth Centuries AD (London, 1989), cat. no. 51; ‘“Little Men” and the Missing Link’, p. 802. PAS Find-ID CORN-29D1E2. Cf. Wamers, Insulärer Metallschmuck in Wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern Nordeuropas, pl. 25, 7. Youngs, “From Ireland Coming”. Youngs, “From Ireland Coming”, nos 2 and 13; A. Burchard, ‘A Dark Age Mount from Broad Hinton School’, Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine 63 (1968), pp. 105–106. S. Youngs, ‘he Work of Angels’, pp. 116–18 and 157–8; H. Sørheim, ‘hree Prominent Norwegian Ladies with British Connections’, Acta Archaeologica 82 (2011), pp. 17–54, at pp. 22–5, igs 8–9. Youngs, ‘he Work of Angels’, pp. 253–54. Wamers, ‘Finds in Viking-Age Scandinavia’, p. 38; Youngs, “From Ireland Coming”, Table 1. Wamers, ‘Continental and Insular Metalwork’, pp. 95–7. However, Wamers (p. 96) suggests 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. that complete mount sets from richly-furnished Norwegian graves probably resulted from direct involvement in raids. Wamers, ‘Continental and Insular Metalwork’, pp. 95–7; C. Bourke, ‘Antiquities from the River Blackwater IV, Early Medieval Non-Ferrous Metalwork’, Ulster Journal of Archaeology 69 (2012 for 2010), pp. 24–133. Bourke, ‘Antiquities from the River Blackwater IV’, p. 33. Kershaw, ‘Culture and Gender in the Danelaw’, p. 304; Viking Identities, pp. 152–55. Note 3, above. he Trewhiddle hoard, Cornwall, deposited c.868, contained silver strap-ittings of probable Carolingian origin, a Celtic brooch and a (now lost) gold ingot, in addition to Anglo-Saxon secular and ecclesiastical ornamental metalwork and coins (Webster and Backhouse, he Making of England, cat. no. 246; M. A. S. Blackburn, ‘Gold in England During the “Age of Silver” (EighthEleventh Centuries)’, in Silver Economy in the Viking Age, ed. J. Graham-Campbell and G. Williams (Walnut Creek, 2007), pp. 55–98, Appendix C10; J. Graham-Campbell, ‘he Archaeology of the “Great Army”’ (865–79), in Beretning fra treogtyvende tværfaglige vikingesymposium, ed. E. Roesdahl and J. P. Schjødt (Højberg, 2004), pp. 30–46, at p. 37. Its diverse assemblage raises the possibility that it was a Viking deposit, although it is probably too early to relate to the Great Army’s presence in Exeter in 876–877 (Graham-Campbell, ‘Archaeology of the “Great Army”’, p. 37). he sizes of Torksey and ‘A Riverine Site near York’ have been estimated at 26 ha (65 acres) and 31 ha (76 acres) respectively (Blackburn, ‘Viking Winter Camp at Torksey’, p. 245; Gareth Williams, pers. comm.).

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Scandinavian-style metalwork from southern England: new light on the ‘First Viking Age’ in Wessex

Scandinavian-style metalwork from southern England: new light on the ‘First Viking Age’ in Wessex

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